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Modi and his US Visa denial - analysis

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Narendra Modi’s Visa Denial Still An Unhealed Wound[/h]SHARE THIS

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Narendra Modi’s thumping electoral victory and his ascension as Prime Minister has evoked all kinds of reactions across the world—the reactions fall in the broad gamut between “how could this happen?” to “who is this guy?” But given its preeminent status as the lone superpower, the reactions from the United States merit a deeper examination not merely because of the reasonably deep engagement India has with it but more to determine the future direction of this engagement in Prime Minister Modi’s regime.

In the last ten or so days, we only have media reports to rely on the US thinking with regard to Modi. Although the media only mentions “official sources,” one factor seems to be consistent: the US has reached out to Narendra Modi in an unprecedented manner. It has offered carrot after carrot couched in such terms as giving India a “special role,” its willingness to be “flexible to adapt to India’s defence needs,” and to top it all, its offer of having a “special gesture date” by breaking protocol to meet him in September (when the UNGA meet is scheduled). The short version is that it looks like Narendra Modi mightvisit the US in September. Yet, all this is still media speculation: no official communique has been issued yet.
Obvious questions arise. Is this unprecedented approach an indirect way of making up to Modi for the 2005 visa denial? Is it fear of the emergence of a powerful (read: disobedient to US diktats) and broad Asian bloc led by an India under Modi’s leadership? Is it a tacit recognition that it would no longer be take an India under Modi for granted? Indeed, even as late as on May 15, the US declared “no automatic visa for Modi as PM.” It could be one or all of the above.
There is also the suspicion that all these news items were deliberate leaks to gauge India’s official response. And if these are indeed leaks, the aim could perhaps be to get feedback about the public sentiment towards the “proposed” trip.
And so, both the US and Narendra Modi need to address a significant but unresolved matter before he decides to say yes: the visa denial.
[h=2]Where It All Began[/h]The story of Narendra Modi’s US visa denial really begins in 1994 when the Republicans took majority control of the House of Representatives. Two years later, the National Association of Evangelicals, a fellowship of about 42,000 Evangelical Churches sponsored a summit, which was organized by Nina Shea, director of the Center for Religious Freedom at the Hudson Institute, a conservative think tank in Washington. The outcome of the summit in the words of its participants was to urge the “government of the United States [to] take appropriate action to combat the intolerable religious persecution now victimizing fellow believers and those of other faiths.”
Two more years later, on 27 January 1998, the International Religious Freedom Act (IRFA) came into force. It was originally introduced by the Republican Representative, Frank Wolf. This law gave birth to the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), a government-funded agency. It was the machinations of the USCIRF that eventually led to Modi’s visa denial.
If there’s one thing the Church lobby in the US is never short of, it is money. And when a group of 42000 Evangelical Churches come together, they usually achieve the outcome they desire. In other words, this gargantuan Evangelical lobby received “Government” status with the blessings of sitting politicians. The IRFA and the USCIRF’s lofty concern for religious freedom was a mere garb. What was left unstated was the right to convert non-Christians across the world. Evangelism was officially made one of the tools of US foreign policy.
But there’s another layer of duplicity here. Frank Wolf’s original conception of the IRFA contained sanctions for those countries that “violated religious freedom,” a euphemism for “resisting Christian conversions.” However, this didn’t pass muster in the face of strident opposition from powerful corporate interests who had sprawling businesses in all sorts of vile dictatorships. Which simply means that these US corporates opposed it because they were willing to ignore all sorts of atrocities committed in say Nigeria and Saudi Arabia. Business always trumps such pesky notions. And so the combined might of 42000 Evangelical Churches was powerless against the corporate lobby.
[h=2]USCIRF Sets The Tone[/h]But no such luck for India where the USCIRF almost had a free run thanks to a spineless former PM named Manmohan Singh.
Enter Felice Gaer. We shall let Zahir Janmohamed, the person who had “a front-row seat to” the sordid Modi-visa-denial affair, speak:
Felice D. Gaer, the director of the American Jewish Committee’s human rights program, was selected as a [USCIRF] commissioner in 2001, she decided to widen the panel’s scope to other religions. “I wanted to turn this around, to make our focus broader,” Ms. Gaer said in an interview. This chance came in February 2002 when she learned about the riots in Gujarat, India. “We learned about the riots in real time. We had people on staff who kept telling us we need to do something,” Ms. Gaer said… Ms. Gaer tried to arrange an official commission trip to India to survey the damage caused by the 2002 riots but was denied permission to enter India.
So what did Gaer do when the permission was denied? She simply flew down some Indians to “testify” before a hearing she had organized on 10 June 2002. The names of these Indians are now very familiar for their infamy: Teesta Setalvad, Father Cedric Prakash, Najid Hussain (son-in-law of Ahsan Jaffri, the Gujarat MP killed in the riots), Kamal Mitra Chenoy (former Professor at JNU, and current member of the Aam Aadmi Party), and Sumit Ganguly (Professor of Asian Studies in the Texas University).
A reading of the transcript of the hearing makes several things clear immediately:

  • The USCIRF has no jurisdiction over an issue purely internal to India.
  • It was not really a hearing but a sham, a Kangaroo court whose outcome has already been decided—to demonize and vilify Narendra Modi and various Hindu groups.
  • The ease with which the US was able to co-opt and invite some Indians with vested interests and dangerous agendas in the name of minority and human rights, and its version of religious freedom.
  • Nobody from any Hindu group or the Indian/Gujarat Government was invited to give their side of the events.
  • Because India denied permission to the USCIRF to visit Gujarat, the “recommendations” the hearing made were based purely on the “testimony” of these Indians with vested interests.
  • Even worse, Government investigations into the Gujarat riots had barely begun but the USCIRF’s “hearing” had already declared Narendra Modi guilty.
  • The USCIRF’s “recommendations” set the tone for Modi’s eventual visa denial in 2005.
Indeed, this hearing had far-reaching implications in how the Gujarat riots discourse was scripted thereafter. Things like “thousands of Muslims were killed,” “genocide,” “holocaust,” “Nazi,” “Hitler,” and “ethnic cleansing” were casually bandied about by Teesta and co in this hearing. An entire Gujarat riots cottage industry was born. Plays were staged, documentaries were made, books, poems and copious articles and academic papers were written, all of which precisely contained embellished and subtle versions of this “testimony.”
It is also worth examining some of the “recommendations” our Indian testifiers made to the USCIRF in the hearing:

  • Father Cedric Prakash beseeched the USCIRF to recommend a “powerful intervention” by the US Government and from “all over the world.”
  • Dr. Sumit Ganguly asks the US to “certainly chide India…in a fairly sharp language” and use “various nongovernmental organizations to…change the state…of religious rites (sic. Rights) in India.”
  • Dr. Sumit Ganguly also advocates that the US use “tactics and strategy rather than substance” to isolate the BJP politically within India by lobbying with its political opponents.
Incredibly, the combined intelligence of the people with important-sounding official titles at the USCIRF uncritically swallowed all of this as Gospel Truth.
From this emerged the USCIRF recommendations, an important one being the need for the “United States and private individuals [to] work to strengthen those individuals and organizations within India that are trying to promote tolerance and communal harmony.”
It is thus not entirely coincidental that Teesta Setalvad received a $90000 grant from Ford Foundation in 2004, and $250000 in 2009. This is apart from similarly enormous sums she has received to keep the Gujarat issue alive: here’s the full list.
The outcome of the USCIRF hearing was precisely what various India and Hindu-baiters wanted. A pressure group was formed within the US whose tentacles spread to the highest Government levels in the US and then to India. Two key people led this lobby, and both were Indians: the Indian evangelist John Prabhudoss and Raju Rajagopal (a retired doctor). These two teamed up and successfully lobbied Republican Representatives Joe Pitts (Pennsylvania) and Frank Wolf (Virginia) and convinced them to accompany the Indian-born duo to a trip to Ahmedabad in the winter of 2002. That was a significant victory of sorts because this pressure group grew enormously influential in a short span.
[h=2]The Club Of Evangelist Republican Representatives[/h]To fully understand the significance of this, we need examine the roles played by specific Republican Representatives.
The first of course is Frank Wolf, who introduced the IRFA bill, which later became law. Other names include the selfsame Joe Pitts, Trent Franks (Arizona), and Dan Burton (Indiana). Apart from being politicians, these names also share a few other things in common: they are all active supporters of Evangelism. Three chief ways in which they extend their support include drafting Evangelism-friendly legislation, offering financial and lobbying muscle to Evangelical organizations and attempting to thwart obstacles to Evangelism.
Joe Pitts and Trent Franks are closely associated with Evangelism Explosion International, a missionary outfit. Both have received its “Christian Statesmanship” awards in the past.
Joe Pitts and Frank Wolf are also members of perhaps the most influential Christian Fundamentalistoutfit, The Fellowship, which has frightening levels of power. It funded both Pitts’ and Wolf’s 2002 trip to Pakistan and Afghanistan where they spoke to Musharraf about how they are “best friends…. We’re members of the same prayer group.”
And Trent Franks, Frank Wolf, Joe Pitts, and Dan Burton are all members of the International religious freedom caucus (IRFC) a bi-partisan group of about 60 Congressional members “who address religious persecution for people of any or no faith.” Trent Franks is a co-founder of this caucus, founded in 2006. Incidentally, in 2011, the FBI netted Dan Burton for having received tainted funds for his campaign, tracing it all the way back to the ISI—in the Indian parlance, Burton was also one of Ghulam Nabi Fai’s minions.
It’s interesting that neither the IRFC nor these individual representatives have a record of addressing religious persecution of Hindus anywhere in the world—Kashmir, Pakistan, Bangladesh, the Indian North East, West Bengal, and Fiji. If the USCIRF has taken upon itself to care for Indian Muslims and Christians living in India, one wonders why it has remained mum on the continuing cleansing and harassment of Hindus in West Bengal and the North East.
And it is the combined might of these influential politicians that Raju Rajagopal and John Prabhudoss were able to tap into. The result was that they were able to directly influence Dick Cheney who ordered the sign off on the piece of paper that denied the US visa to Narendra Modi. The late B. Raman narratesthe entire sordid saga of how (primarily) John Prabhudoss orchestrated the plot. Back then, Raju gloatedhow
When we heard about Modi’s visit, we were ready,” Mr. Rajagopal said. “Actually, we had been ready and waiting for Modi’s visit for a few years.” […] “It was a tremendous victory…
But it was a massive defeat for India, which did not stand up for its dignity. It’s anybody’s guess how the US would’ve reacted if India had denied a visa to Joe Pitts and Frank Wolf who visited Ahmedabad to meddle in an affair internal India.
[h=2]Manmohan Singh Allows USCIRF To Have A Rogue Run In India[/h]But India’s spineless response to Modi’s visa denial set a precedent. In fact, much jubilation erupted in the ruling Congress party circles as well as among the usual suspects in the secular firmament.
The US then realized that it could bully India with impunity.


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Read rest at: Narendra Modi?s visa denial still an unhealed wound - India FactsIndia Facts
 
I know there are various conspiracy theories. Some of it may be true. Here is one on why he was denied Visa to Canada.
Sorry this did not have an Cristian Evangelical angle to it. It did not even include everybody's favorite whipping boy Manmohan Singh.

ANITA SINGH AND ALEX WILNER
Contributed to The Globe and Mail
Published Monday, Apr. 14 2014, 7:21 AM EDT
Last updated Monday, Apr. 14 2014, 7:28 AM EDT

Anita Singh is a research fellow with the Centre for Foreign Policy Studies at Dalhousie University. Alex Wilner, a senior fellow at the Macdonald Laurier Institute, lectures at the Munk School of Global Affairs, University of Toronto.
Narendra Modi will likely become India’s next prime minister. His victory in this month’s general election raises hopes for India’s sagging economic fortunes. But it also raises serious questions about India’s bilateral relations with Canada.

For the last 12 years, Mr. Modi has been denied a visa to Canada. Ottawa has justified the ban by relying on a provision in Canada’s Immigration and Refugee Protection Act that bars suspected human rights abusers.

In 2002, as chief minister of Gujarat – an Indian state of more than 60 million inhabitants – Mr. Modi was in power during religious riots in which 1,000 people were killed, mostly Muslims. Though the Supreme Court of India eventually cleared Mr. Modi of any wrongdoing, his fervent Hindu nationalism and alleged support of what many see as anti-Muslim pogroms poisons his foreign relations.

For more than a decade, Mr. Modi has been totally unwelcome. In fact, he’s been shunned by several other Western countries, including the United States.

His banishment has strained relations between Canada and Gujarat, a regional economic powerhouse. More broadly, it has also undercut Canada’s effort to pursue economic relations with the rest of India.
Mr. Modi’s popularity in India, however, has skyrocketed.

His leadership of the Bharatiya Janata Party was nothing less than a coronation. He regularly attracts half a million spectators to his political speeches. Some even pay to attend his rallies. His promise to apply local economic policies – “Vibrant Gujarat” – to the rest of India resonates loudly with voters hungry for economic stability. And most importantly, his political rivals are plagued by corruption scandals, have failed to capitalize on India’s recent growth and endorse increasingly unpopular national security policies.
Mr. Modi has nowhere to go but up.

His victory will put Canada into a sticky situation. Ottawa must consider the ramifications of banning India’s next prime minister.
First, shunning Mr. Modi’s India will have serious economic consequences for Canada. We’ll be turning our backs on years of bilateral talks, jeopardizing the Canada-India Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA), which is in its final rounds of negotiations. Completing CEPA will require a strong and functioning political relationship. Without CEPA, Canada falls behind in the global race to court India’s expansive economy.

Worse yet, it appears a post-election ban on Mr. Modi will put Canada at odds with our closest allies. The United States has indicated its plans to reverse its position before the weeks-long election wraps up, and both the U.K. and Australia have announced plans to end their own visa moratoriums. In 2012, the U.K. government invited Mr. Modi to address the British House of Commons. Similar plans are forthcoming in Canberra.

Third, Canada’s decision to continue shutting out Mr. Modi will rub Canada’s Gujarati community the wrong way. Gujaratis are the second largest group among Canada’s one million Indo-Canadians, the largest source of immigration to Canada from India, and the most affluent and well-organized of all Indo-Canadian organizations. Active participants in Canada’s economy, the Gujarati community has outwardly supported Mr. Modi in its lobbying efforts with Ottawa. One Indo-Canadian business leader, Aditya Jha, has noted the moral undertones that continue to shape Ottawa’s relationship with Mr. Modi: “Who are we in Canada to take this moral high ground and holier than thou attitude if India is okay with him?” Given that all of Canada’s federal parties have a penchant to pander to ethnic minorities, it’s likely that Mr. Modi will become a federal election issue within this powerful diaspora community.

Until now, Canada has been slow to respond to Mr. Modi’s meteoric rise. It’s possible that Ottawa is simply hedging its bet on a Modi loss. Or, that it’s sticking to its policy and won’t do business with an alleged human rights violator, no matter the cost.
But as Mr. Modi is likely to become India’s next prime minister, Ottawa must recognize that its existing policy isn’t simply about Canada’s relationship with Mr. Modi, but rather about its relationship with all of India. And with election results expected in early May, the time to act is now.


http://www.theglobeandmail.com/globe...ticle17956175/
 
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