How true! Brahmins are being systematically being discriminated in politics, education and jobs!
But in North Brahmins are not facing any racial discrimination as in Tamil Nadu!
North is more feudal and there is respect for the Pandit!
The Mandal commission dealt a death knell to the dominance of the Pandit in North
In South , No doubt, Tambrahms were dominating the Congress of the 1920's & 30's...Now there are hardly any Brahmins in Congress...
We may be in good number in BJP...Once the BJP becomes a large party, we will be shown the door as it happened in Congress!
Brahmins fear for politics as a career because it has now become the haven for the Goonda! Also in Tamil Nadu it is difficult for a Brahmin to win unless the person is the VVIP! Even if you join, you will have to be a foot soldier of the party, not some Neta or Thalaivar
The big shakeout: Striking the right brahmin balance - The Times of India
Days before the 1917 annual meeting of the Congress in Calcutta, an advertisement appeared in the pages of the daily New India. CS Narasimha Chari, a delegate from Madras Presidency, wanted to know of hotels run by Madrasis in Calcutta since by the time 13 brahmin delegates out of 15 would reach the city, Congress 'camps would not be in working condition.'
A Tamilian Brahmana, political scientist M S S Pandian recounts in 'Brahmins & Non-Brahmins : Geneologies of the Tamil Political Present' , came to the Congress delegates' rescue and gave information about two Brahmana hotels in Calcutta offering Tanjore brahmin meals. The 13 Tamil brahmins could go back with their 'purity' intact.
The over-representation of brahmins and upper castes in Congress party structures — 40% of delegates at annual meetings between 1892 and 1909 — was reflected in the membership of state assemblies. Between 1920 and 1937, brahmin representation in the Bombay Presidency assembly hovered between 19% and 37%. Post-Independence , the trend continued across the Hindi heartland of Bihar, UP, Rajasthan and MP. In UP, a state where brahmins were a little over 9% of the population according to the 1931 Census , their representation in assembly peaked to 27% in 1962. As the first wave of resistance to the dominant castes came, Congress could always pitchfork a co-opted Jagjivan Ram as a challenge to B R Ambedkar and to socialists.
But no Jagjivan Ram or socialist could change the brahmin narrative. The upper caste dominance became a pan-party story, from the CWC to CPM's Politburo and BJP's national executive. While Congress and BJP made little pretense of the interest groups they represented, CPM's story is interesting. At the forefront of many social, economic and political campaigns, CPM never had a Scheduled Caste in the politburo. So far, only one Muslim — Mohd Amin - and one woman — Brinda Karat — have made it to the PB. The current 15-member PB has four born in Brahmin families.
The intense social justice movement in the Hindi heartland saw a dramatic change in Brahmin fortune, particularly in the last quarter of a century . While party structures remained pro-Brahmin or largely upper caste, CMs were no longer Brahmins in big states, an admission of the changed political calculus and resurgence of lower castes. While this change took place in TN, Kerala and AP much earlier, states like Bihar and UP could not remain impervious. Bihar has not had an upper caste — let alone Brahmin — CM in 25 years and UP for more than a decade. Even a Brahmin-Bania party like BJP had to contend with a Lodh CM Kalyan Singh. Rajnath Singh, a Thakur, was the only exception to the exclusion of upper castes from the top job in UP in recent times.
But in North Brahmins are not facing any racial discrimination as in Tamil Nadu!
North is more feudal and there is respect for the Pandit!
The Mandal commission dealt a death knell to the dominance of the Pandit in North
In South , No doubt, Tambrahms were dominating the Congress of the 1920's & 30's...Now there are hardly any Brahmins in Congress...
We may be in good number in BJP...Once the BJP becomes a large party, we will be shown the door as it happened in Congress!
Brahmins fear for politics as a career because it has now become the haven for the Goonda! Also in Tamil Nadu it is difficult for a Brahmin to win unless the person is the VVIP! Even if you join, you will have to be a foot soldier of the party, not some Neta or Thalaivar
The big shakeout: Striking the right brahmin balance - The Times of India
Days before the 1917 annual meeting of the Congress in Calcutta, an advertisement appeared in the pages of the daily New India. CS Narasimha Chari, a delegate from Madras Presidency, wanted to know of hotels run by Madrasis in Calcutta since by the time 13 brahmin delegates out of 15 would reach the city, Congress 'camps would not be in working condition.'
A Tamilian Brahmana, political scientist M S S Pandian recounts in 'Brahmins & Non-Brahmins : Geneologies of the Tamil Political Present' , came to the Congress delegates' rescue and gave information about two Brahmana hotels in Calcutta offering Tanjore brahmin meals. The 13 Tamil brahmins could go back with their 'purity' intact.
The over-representation of brahmins and upper castes in Congress party structures — 40% of delegates at annual meetings between 1892 and 1909 — was reflected in the membership of state assemblies. Between 1920 and 1937, brahmin representation in the Bombay Presidency assembly hovered between 19% and 37%. Post-Independence , the trend continued across the Hindi heartland of Bihar, UP, Rajasthan and MP. In UP, a state where brahmins were a little over 9% of the population according to the 1931 Census , their representation in assembly peaked to 27% in 1962. As the first wave of resistance to the dominant castes came, Congress could always pitchfork a co-opted Jagjivan Ram as a challenge to B R Ambedkar and to socialists.
But no Jagjivan Ram or socialist could change the brahmin narrative. The upper caste dominance became a pan-party story, from the CWC to CPM's Politburo and BJP's national executive. While Congress and BJP made little pretense of the interest groups they represented, CPM's story is interesting. At the forefront of many social, economic and political campaigns, CPM never had a Scheduled Caste in the politburo. So far, only one Muslim — Mohd Amin - and one woman — Brinda Karat — have made it to the PB. The current 15-member PB has four born in Brahmin families.
The intense social justice movement in the Hindi heartland saw a dramatic change in Brahmin fortune, particularly in the last quarter of a century . While party structures remained pro-Brahmin or largely upper caste, CMs were no longer Brahmins in big states, an admission of the changed political calculus and resurgence of lower castes. While this change took place in TN, Kerala and AP much earlier, states like Bihar and UP could not remain impervious. Bihar has not had an upper caste — let alone Brahmin — CM in 25 years and UP for more than a decade. Even a Brahmin-Bania party like BJP had to contend with a Lodh CM Kalyan Singh. Rajnath Singh, a Thakur, was the only exception to the exclusion of upper castes from the top job in UP in recent times.
