Naina_Marbus
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India's former external affairs minister K Natwar Singh has recently published an autobiographical memoir. He was one of Sonia Gandhi's "closest confidants" until he fell out of favour with her, thanks to other close asociates.
Once it became public knowledge that he was writing a book, Mrs Gandhi and her daughter Priyanka visited him in May 2014 to inquire if the events leading to Mrs Gandhi's decision not to become prime minister would be mentioned in the book.
Natwar Singh claims that contrary to what was reported by the press in 2004, Sonia Gandhi's decision to not become the prime minister, was forced upon her by son Rahul Gandhi.
"Rahul said he was prepared to take any possible step to prevent his mother from taking up the prime ministership... This was no ordinary threat," Mr Singh wrote.
Natwar Singh has been a fierce critic of American foreign policy. In a speech in the Indian parliament in 2003, he had attacked the US-led invasion of Iraq. "People say I am anti-America, but I am not," he told BBC - "I am anti-American stupidity."
But he acknowledges that Manmohan Singh appointed him the external affairs minister despite "pressures" from the US not to give him the coveted portfolio.
"Sonia told me that she was under great pressure from various quarters, including the Americans, to not appoint me as the external affairs minister," he writes, adding that Manmohan Singh was "apprehensive and mentioned how powerful the Americans were and that perhaps they could go to any extent to destabilise certain countries, including India".
Some Excerpts from Singh's memoir:
Last lines in his book: "Soon I shall drift out of the harbour on a silent tide beyond the beat of time."
In October 1954, the Prime Minister (Nehru) visited China, and was welcomed in Peking by a million people lined up on both sides of the road as Pandit Nehru and Chinese Premier Chou En-lai drove by in an open car. On his return, Pandit Nehru stopped in Calcutta. The first letter he wrote on his China experience was to Edwina Mountbatten, and shared with her the content of his discussions with the Chinese leaders. Strictly speaking, this was against the oath of secrecy he had taken.
In 1961, Queen Elizabeth II was the chief guest at the Republic Day parade. Lord Mountbatten had got Nehru to agree to the Queen and President Rajendra Prasad jointly taking the salute. This was an atrocious proposal. I spoke to several of my colleagues about it. There was unanimous disapproval. I also spoke to S. Gopal, the son of Dr S. Radhakrishnan. Sensing the mood, Nehru dropped the idea. What bothered me even more was the pernicious influence of the Mountbattens on Nehru, so much so that he was literally eating out of their hands. He was oblivious to Mountbatten’s glaring shortcomings. His wife, Edwina, had fallen in love with Nehru, and he with her. When Edwina Mountbatten died in early 1960 in Borneo, Nehru paid her a tribute in Parliament. This was unprecedented.
Kabul - One afternoon, Mrs Gandhi had some free time and decided to go for a drive, along with me. A few miles outside Kabul she saw a dilapidated building surrounded by a few trees, and asked the Afghan security officer what it was. Bagh-e-Babur, he told us, and Mrs Gandhi decided to drive up to it. The protocol department went into a tizzy as no security arrangements had been made. Regardless, we headed towards Babur’s grave. She stood at the grave with her head slightly lowered and I behind her. She said to me, ‘I have had my brush with history.’ ( Bagh-e-Babur was the last resting-place of the first Mughal emperor Babur.)
From the day she set foot on Indian soil she has been treated like royalty; she has behaved like a prima donna. Over the years she has evolved from being a diffident, nervous, shy woman to an ambitious, authoritarian and stern leader. Her displeasure strikes fear among Congressmen. No one has been Congress President for fifteen years. Her hold on the Congress Party is total; firmer and more durable than even that of Jawaharlal Nehru. Under her, dissent is smothered, free discussion fenced in. Silence is used as a weapon and every subtle gesture is a message, an icy stare a warning. Even opposition parties handle her with kid gloves (this is now rapidly changing). She is never blamed or criticized for failures and defeats of the party. ‘Soniaji can do no wrong,’ chant the battalions of cacophonous sycophants. From her privileged perch, she reigns and rules. Favours are granted piecemeal, lèse-majesté is given short shrift. Beneath all that posturing an ordinary and insecure person emerges. Her capriciousness is lauded. A fine-tuned personality cult is promoted. Politics has coarsened her.
Once it became public knowledge that he was writing a book, Mrs Gandhi and her daughter Priyanka visited him in May 2014 to inquire if the events leading to Mrs Gandhi's decision not to become prime minister would be mentioned in the book.
Natwar Singh claims that contrary to what was reported by the press in 2004, Sonia Gandhi's decision to not become the prime minister, was forced upon her by son Rahul Gandhi.
"Rahul said he was prepared to take any possible step to prevent his mother from taking up the prime ministership... This was no ordinary threat," Mr Singh wrote.
Natwar Singh has been a fierce critic of American foreign policy. In a speech in the Indian parliament in 2003, he had attacked the US-led invasion of Iraq. "People say I am anti-America, but I am not," he told BBC - "I am anti-American stupidity."
But he acknowledges that Manmohan Singh appointed him the external affairs minister despite "pressures" from the US not to give him the coveted portfolio.
"Sonia told me that she was under great pressure from various quarters, including the Americans, to not appoint me as the external affairs minister," he writes, adding that Manmohan Singh was "apprehensive and mentioned how powerful the Americans were and that perhaps they could go to any extent to destabilise certain countries, including India".
Some Excerpts from Singh's memoir:
Last lines in his book: "Soon I shall drift out of the harbour on a silent tide beyond the beat of time."
In October 1954, the Prime Minister (Nehru) visited China, and was welcomed in Peking by a million people lined up on both sides of the road as Pandit Nehru and Chinese Premier Chou En-lai drove by in an open car. On his return, Pandit Nehru stopped in Calcutta. The first letter he wrote on his China experience was to Edwina Mountbatten, and shared with her the content of his discussions with the Chinese leaders. Strictly speaking, this was against the oath of secrecy he had taken.
In 1961, Queen Elizabeth II was the chief guest at the Republic Day parade. Lord Mountbatten had got Nehru to agree to the Queen and President Rajendra Prasad jointly taking the salute. This was an atrocious proposal. I spoke to several of my colleagues about it. There was unanimous disapproval. I also spoke to S. Gopal, the son of Dr S. Radhakrishnan. Sensing the mood, Nehru dropped the idea. What bothered me even more was the pernicious influence of the Mountbattens on Nehru, so much so that he was literally eating out of their hands. He was oblivious to Mountbatten’s glaring shortcomings. His wife, Edwina, had fallen in love with Nehru, and he with her. When Edwina Mountbatten died in early 1960 in Borneo, Nehru paid her a tribute in Parliament. This was unprecedented.
Kabul - One afternoon, Mrs Gandhi had some free time and decided to go for a drive, along with me. A few miles outside Kabul she saw a dilapidated building surrounded by a few trees, and asked the Afghan security officer what it was. Bagh-e-Babur, he told us, and Mrs Gandhi decided to drive up to it. The protocol department went into a tizzy as no security arrangements had been made. Regardless, we headed towards Babur’s grave. She stood at the grave with her head slightly lowered and I behind her. She said to me, ‘I have had my brush with history.’ ( Bagh-e-Babur was the last resting-place of the first Mughal emperor Babur.)
From the day she set foot on Indian soil she has been treated like royalty; she has behaved like a prima donna. Over the years she has evolved from being a diffident, nervous, shy woman to an ambitious, authoritarian and stern leader. Her displeasure strikes fear among Congressmen. No one has been Congress President for fifteen years. Her hold on the Congress Party is total; firmer and more durable than even that of Jawaharlal Nehru. Under her, dissent is smothered, free discussion fenced in. Silence is used as a weapon and every subtle gesture is a message, an icy stare a warning. Even opposition parties handle her with kid gloves (this is now rapidly changing). She is never blamed or criticized for failures and defeats of the party. ‘Soniaji can do no wrong,’ chant the battalions of cacophonous sycophants. From her privileged perch, she reigns and rules. Favours are granted piecemeal, lèse-majesté is given short shrift. Beneath all that posturing an ordinary and insecure person emerges. Her capriciousness is lauded. A fine-tuned personality cult is promoted. Politics has coarsened her.
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