கால பைரவன்;94751 said:
All criteria of Mandal Commission for determining backwardness suggest comparison against average levels only. For eg, criteria for educational backwardness is listed as:
1. Castes/classes where the number of children in the age group of 5–15 years who never attended school is at least 25 percent above the state average.
2. Castes/classes where the rate of student drop-out in the age group of 5–15 years is at least 25 percent above the state average.
3. Castes/classes amongst whom the proportion of matriculates is at least 25 per cent below the state average.
State govts may follow different criteria. But the question is does TN even have any criteria to determine educational backwardness? Do you know? what is it? Does TN govt provide data for communities that it currently classifies as BC and MBC?
Once again you are talking about literacy levels of OBC as a group and not the literacy levels of individual castes. It is this dis-aggregated data that is essential to determine whether members of an individual caste qualify to be an OBC or not.
Which means Mandal commission is going by averaging literacy levels. Well, educational backwardness is determined by literacy levels. But no idea how far this averaging out method will help determine educational backwardness. I think Nara sir can elaborate on this.
This is a country where people make all sorts of claims of belonging to a particular 'caste'. People have claimed to belong to a 'higher' (and different) caste with colonial records full of such cross-overs. At the same time, they want reservations to solve their educational, social and economic backwardness.
I suppose it was cumbersome to check the literacy levels of each and every individual caste / community at a nation-wide level. But ofcourse its now possible with the 2011 caste-based census.
Anyways, it appears that so far it was easier to check literacy (as a whole) for communities that are already designated as SC, ST, and OBC. The literacy levels of OBCs in the
DISE--District Information System for Education website are actual literacy levels for OBC designated communities.
Even the caste-wise census of educational levels taken in 1911, 1921 and 1931 took only 4 groups into consideration -- brahmin, non-brahmin, muslim and christian. Only in 1947 a seperate category was created for 'backward' hindus [Refer: Encyclopedia of Backward Castes, Volume 2 by Mathur].
The book "Encyclopedia of Backward Castes" (both Vol 1 and 2, by ML Mathur), describe various commissions and committes appointed by different states who prepared a list of backward classes and recommended reservations. Three states (State of Mysore, Madras Presidency, Bombay Presidency) recognized and granted the demand by NBs for reservations in government service before 1947. In tamilnadu, some commissions before and after independence were
1) 1927 - communal GO for reservation in jobs under colonial government.
2) 1947 - communal GO of 1947 revised the communal GO of 1927.
3) 1969 - Sathanathan Committee which split and gave seperate sections of BC and MBC. It recommended 17% reservation for BC and 16% reservation for MBC.
4) 1982 - Ambashankar Commission - which gave 50% reservations for OBCs in government service.
I do agree that disaggregated data for each individual-community is useful. However, expecting that to be "essential to determine whether members of an individual caste qualify to be an OBC or not" is rather far-fetched. To check that for each single person of each single "community" in a country with the world's largest population is tough. Instead of that, the government seems to have brought in Creamy Layer exclusion. I do agree with removal of Creamy Layer.
Is there any commission that collected such data for TN? When I mentioned adhocness in classification of BCs and MBCs in TN, you denied it. You repeatedly asserted that apart from social backwardness, educational and economic backwardness are taken into account in such classification. If that were to be true, where is the data? It is the duty of the govt to provide such data. It appears TN has not collected data regarding educational and economic backwardness of communities classified as BC and MBC all these years. Hence I deem the classification to be arbitrary and consequently unjust.
Well there is no evidence that communities were categorized as BC or MBC on adhoc basis. Just because the government cannot check each single person (if he qualifies to be OBC or not) does not mean government is categorizing any community as OBC on adhoc basis.
Why only Tamilnadu, there have been movements by 'backward classes' for reservations in other parts of southindia also (like Karnataka dating from 1870s, and this is caste-wise data for literacy levels there -
the first backward class commission was appointed in august 1972 ) These are movements by people who want to progress. The government has to accomodate them if their literacy levels, and socio-economic conditions are indeed low.
There have been instances (like Govt of Haryana in 1969) where a "backward class" list was produced without formal enquiry into economic backwardness and social status. But i have no idea if Tamilnadu involved in any such thing. Educational backwardness based on literacy levels for OBCs and for SCs and STs is well documented as explained above.
I have no idea which specific data is used to determine economic backwardness. However, i presume occupation categories (such as 'mariginal workers', etc) which are recorded in census are taken to indicate economic conditions. Caste merely is occupation. The legal freeing of slaves happened in India only in 1843, and until then communities like Pallars were slaves [Refer to "Rural Societies in Southeast India" by Kathleen Gough]. When Haider Ali invaded Thanjavur there was a shortage of panchama slaves. Hence alongside Pallars, other castes were recruited as agricultural labourers.
No matter how much anyone protests Kalabhairava, reservations are here to stay. You are protesting against what is injustice to you now. Injustice was meted out to 'low-castes' for centuries. So today it all boils down to "social justice".
Communities categorized as OBCs were no better off than dalits in the colonial period. Farmers 'claimed' to be Kallars, Padaiyatchis (Vanniars), Konars, Vellalars and Mupanars in colonial times. Just because these people today come under OBC instead of SC / ST does not make them well off. Reservations for such communities cannot be removed just because a section of them are well-off today. Creamy layer ofcourse can be removed subject to conditions.
"Social justice" is ensuring that those who were deprieved got the chance to educate themselves under the colonial rule, and these find a greater voice under democracy. You may call it "tyranny of the majority'. However, others may call it "freedom for the majority".
கால பைரவன்;94753 said:
You provided a link to the case. Thanks! But it appears you have not read it. The case was against communal reservation in medical and engineering colleges. Relevant portions of the case are posted below:
I read the link. They refered to a Communal Government Order. But found no evidence that they specifically referred to the Communal GO of Madras Presidency of 1927. I checked other sources for the Champakam Dorairajan case also.
AFAIK there was no communal GO passed in 1920s for academic reservations. The 1927 Communal GO only gave reservations for jobs in government serrvice.
In all probability the Champakam Dorairajan case is referring to the Communal GO of 1947.
However, I will stand corrected if you can provide info that reservations in academic institutions were instituted in 1920s in Madras Presidency.
Regards.