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why are Hindus following Abrahamin religious practice

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Looked at the relevant portions - Rig Veda: Rig-Veda, Book 10: HYMN XV. Fathers.

In what way do you suggest the verses suggest cremation?

RV 10.15.11: "Fathers whom Agni's flames have tasted, come ye nigh: ye kindly leaders, take ye each your proper place"

R.V. 10.15.14: "They who, consumed by fire or not cremated, joy in their offering in the midst of heaven,—
Grant them, O Sovran Lord, the world of spirits and their own body, as thy pleasure wills it.

RV 10.16.1 : " Burn him not up, nor quite consume him, Agni: let not his body or his skin be scattered.

What does the high-lighted portions mean to you?

Other two points in a later post, if there be a need for it.
 
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RV 10.15.11: "Fathers whom Agni's flames have tasted, come ye nigh: ye kindly leaders, take ye each your proper place"

R.V. 10.15.14: "They who, consumed by fire or not cremated, joy in their offering in the midst of heaven,—
Grant them, O Sovran Lord, the world of spirits and their own body, as thy pleasure wills it.

RV 10.16.1 : " Burn him not up, nor quite consume him, Agni: let not his body or his skin be scattered.

What does the high-lighted portions mean to you?

Other two points in a later post, if there be a need for it.
You may have a point, sir, which i have not come across. So i request you to explain fully, instead of highlighting 3 sentences. I would also appreciate if you could explain if there is any difference between the english and sanskrit translations (due to which i may have missed some things).

To me, the riks of Rigved 10.15 and 10.16, do not refer to cremation. They deal with sacrifical food and offerings to agni. Am not aware if these verses were instead absorbed in some brahmanas (texts) for cremation karmas (??)

Coming to the sentences you mention.

1) Fathers whom Agni's flames have tasted, come ye nigh: ye kindly leaders, take ye each your proper place. Rig 10.15.11

aghniṣvāttāḥ pitara eha ghachata sadaḥ-sadaḥ sadatasupraṇītayaḥ |
attā havīṃṣi prayatāni barhiṣyathārayiṃ sarvavīraṃ dadhātana ||

This rik invokes the pitrus to come to the sacrifice and take their place.

2) They who, consumed by fire or not cremated, joy in their offering in the midst of heaven,— Grant them, O Sovran Lord, the world of spirits and their own body, as thy pleasure wills it - Rig 10.15.14

ye aghnidaghdhā ye anaghnidaghdhā madhye divaḥ svadhayāmādayante |
tebhiḥ svarāḷ asunītimetāṃ yathāvaśantanvaṃ kalpayasva || Rig 10.15.14

Here, the previous sentence (Rik 10.15.14) refers to sacrifice well prepared with portions invoking the jātavedaḥ to know the numbers. In continuity this particular sentence says ye aghnidaghdhā referring to anything burnt and ye anaghnidaghdhā that which is not burnt in the context of svadhayāmādayante (svadha=eating or perhaps सव = sacrifice, something poured out), going to the world of spirits (asunītimetāṃ). Here मादयन्ते to me means something intoxicating. So सवधयामादयन्ते or svadhayāmādayante may mean something intoxicating (that is poured out as sacrifice going to the world of spirits). I may be wrong in my understanding though. Please correct me if this is wrong.

3) Burn him not up, nor quite consume him, Agni: let not his body or his skin be scattered. O Jātavedas, when thou hast matured him, then send him on his way unto the Fathers - Rig 10.16.1.

mainamaghne vi daho mābhi śoco māsya tvacaṃ cikṣipo māśarīram |
yadā śṛtaṃ kṛṇavo jātavedo.athemenaṃ prahiṇutāt pitṛbhyaḥ ||

This is perhaps in continuity with the previous sentence (Rig 10.15.14). Here the jātavedaḥ are requested not to burn (daho mābhi), and do शोच (purify), (after? or to a?) मास्य (month old) tvacaṃ skin. I do not understand what chikshi may refer to here but the context of not affecting the body (mā śarīram) is rather clear. So should this refer to a funeral / cremation? Do we have anything in the samhitas specifically referring to a funeral wreath or antyakriya with a chita (funeral pile)?

Kindly clarify.

Regards.
 
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You may have a point, sir, which i have not come across. So i request you to explain fully, instead of highlighting 3 sentences. I would also appreciate if you could explain if there is any difference between the english and sanskrit translations (due to which i may have missed some things).

To me, the riks of Rigved 10.15 and 10.16, do not refer to cremation. They deal with sacrifical food and offerings to agni. Am not aware if these verses were instead absorbed in some brahmanas (texts) for cremation karmas (??)

Coming to the sentences you mention.

1) Fathers whom Agni's flames have tasted, come ye nigh: ye kindly leaders, take ye each your proper place. Rig 10.15.11

aghniṣvāttāḥ pitara eha ghachata sadaḥ-sadaḥ sadatasupraṇītayaḥ |
attā havīṃṣi prayatāni barhiṣyathārayiṃ sarvavīraṃ dadhātana ||

This rik invokes the pitrus to come to the sacrifice and take their place.

2) They who, consumed by fire or not cremated, joy in their offering in the midst of heaven,— Grant them, O Sovran Lord, the world of spirits and their own body, as thy pleasure wills it - Rig 10.15.14

ye aghnidaghdhā ye anaghnidaghdhā madhye divaḥ svadhayāmādayante |
tebhiḥ svarāḷ asunītimetāṃ yathāvaśantanvaṃ kalpayasva || Rig 10.15.14

Here, the previous sentence (Rik 10.15.14) refers to sacrifice well prepared with portions invoking the jātavedaḥ to know the numbers. In continuity this particular sentence says ye aghnidaghdhā referring to anything burnt and ye anaghnidaghdhā that which is not burnt in the context of svadhayāmādayante (svadha=eating or perhaps सव = sacrifice, something poured out), going to the world of spirits (asunītimetāṃ). Here मादयन्ते to me means something intoxicating. So सवधयामादयन्ते or svadhayāmādayante may mean something intoxicating (that is poured out as sacrifice going to the world of spirits). I may be wrong in my understanding though. Please correct me if this is wrong.

3) Burn him not up, nor quite consume him, Agni: let not his body or his skin be scattered. O Jātavedas, when thou hast matured him, then send him on his way unto the Fathers - Rig 10.16.1.

mainamaghne vi daho mābhi śoco māsya tvacaṃ cikṣipo māśarīram |
yadā śṛtaṃ kṛṇavo jātavedo.athemenaṃ prahiṇutāt pitṛbhyaḥ ||

This is perhaps in continuity with the previous sentence (Rig 10.15.14). Here the jātavedaḥ are requested not to burn (daho mābhi), and do शोच (purify), (after? or to a?) मास्य (month old) tvacaṃ skin. I do not understand what chikshi may refer to here but the context of not affecting the body (mā śarīram) is rather clear. So should this refer to a funeral / cremation? Do we have anything in the samhitas specifically referring to a funeral wreath or antyakriya with a chita (funeral pile)?

Kindly clarify.

Regards.

The aforesaid assignment would be time consuming. Instead, as your requirement is only need of proof of cremation during vedic period, you may follow the following link: Encyclopaedia of the Hindu world - Gaṅg Rm Garg - Google Books

I am reproducing the operative portion (appearing on page 512 of the book) herebelow:

" (vii) The widow lays down on the funeral pile by the side the husband (Rg Veda 10.18.7, Atharva veda 18.3.1-2). This practice is forbidden in kaliyuga.

(viii) The pile was lit up. Women expressed their grief. (Atharva veda 18.2.4-8).

(xiv) On completion of the funeral rites, the corpse eating fire (kravyada) which has been invoked for cremation has to be sent out of the house (Atharva veda 12.4.5)

For me the aforesaid mantras are quite clear cut that it was cremation (burning)
 
The aforesaid assignment would be time consuming. Instead, as your requirement is only need of proof of cremation during vedic period, you may follow the following link: Encyclopaedia of the Hindu world - Gaṅg Rm Garg - Google Books

I am reproducing the operative portion (appearing on page 512 of the book) herebelow:

" (vii) The widow lays down on the funeral pile by the side the husband (Rg Veda 10.18.7, Atharva veda 18.3.1-2). This practice is forbidden in kaliyuga.

(viii) The pile was lit up. Women expressed their grief. (Atharva veda 18.2.4-8).

(xiv) On completion of the funeral rites, the corpse eating fire (kravyada) which has been invoked for cremation has to be sent out of the house (Atharva veda 12.4.5)

For me the aforesaid mantras are quite clear cut that it was cremation (burning)
I request you not to confuse the practices of the trayee-vedas (rig, sama, yajur) with anything from the atharva texts. We have discussed before the atharva was not considered part of vedas. I shall look into the link provided by you, in more detail, soon. At the first glance i find only atharva verses mentioned there; and only 3 verses are from the rig. Also if you have more info please do post and share. Regards.
 
The aforesaid assignment would be time consuming. Instead, as your requirement is only need of proof of cremation during vedic period, you may follow the following link: Encyclopaedia of the Hindu world - Gaṅg Rm Garg - Google Books

I am reproducing the operative portion (appearing on page 512 of the book) herebelow:

" (vii) The widow lays down on the funeral pile by the side the husband (Rg Veda 10.18.7, Atharva veda 18.3.1-2). This practice is forbidden in kaliyuga.

(viii) The pile was lit up. Women expressed their grief. (Atharva veda 18.2.4-8).

(xiv) On completion of the funeral rites, the corpse eating fire (kravyada) which has been invoked for cremation has to be sent out of the house (Atharva veda 12.4.5)

For me the aforesaid mantras are quite clear cut that it was cremation (burning)
Sir,

The book link you provided does not give the exact verses. So it is difficult to make out.

From sacred-texts.com, i find that Rig 10.18.7 does not refer to the verse stated in the book.

The book says Rig 10.18.7 is this:

"The widow lays down on the funeral pile by the side the husband (Rg Veda 10.18.7, Atharva veda 18.3.1-2). This practice is forbidden in kaliyuga".

But the actual verse of Rig 10.18.7 is this:

Let these unwidowed dames with noble husbands adorn themselves with fragrant balm and unguent. Decked with fair jewels, tearless, free from sorrow, first let the dames go up to where he lieth. Source - Rig Veda: Rig-Veda, Book 10: HYMN XVIII. Various Deities.

or this in sanskrit: The Rig Veda in Sanskrit: Rig Veda Book 10: Hymn 18

imā nārīravidhavāḥ supatnīrāñjanena sarpiṣā saṃviśantu |
anaśravo.anamīvāḥ suratnā ā rohantu janayoyonimaghre ||


There is no mention of funeral here. On the contrary, the continuation of verses in Rig.10.18 refer to burial or returning to earth as follows:

Betake thee to the Iap of Earth the Mother, of Earth far-spreading, very kind and gracious. Young Dame, wool-soft unto the guerdongiver, may she preserve thee from Destruction's bosom.

Heave thyself, Earth, nor press thee downward heavily: afford him easy access, gently tending him. Cover him, as a mother wraps her skirt about her child, O Earth.

Now let the heaving earth be free from motion: yea,—let a thousand clods remain above him. Be they to him a home distilling fatness, here let them ever be his place of refuge.

I stay the earth from thee, while over thee I place this piece of earth. May I be free from injury. Here let the Fathers keep this pillar firm for thee, and there let Yama make thee an abiding-place.

So, you see sir, there is no cremation mentioned in these verses.

Kindly clarify which part of Rig, Sama or Yajur mentions cremation in the vedic period.

Regards.
 
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I have not read in detail. But I am told the details of Hindu funerals, disposal of dead bodies
etc are given in Hindu Samskaras. Let me come back to you after I get a chance to go
through. The book is not readily available with me. May be I have to ask some Sastrigal
about this point, who would be able to tell us very clearly.

Balasubramanian
Ambattur
 
Sir,

The book link you provided does not give the exact verses. So it is difficult to make out.
... ...
... ....
.... ...

We appear to be moving in circles, so let me go back to the drawing board.

This is the summary of our exchanges so far (please correct if factually incorrect)

1. You stated that cremation is a development later than vedic age.
2. I contested that statement and claimed that even during vedic period cremation and burial were co-existing.
3. In support of my claim, I quoted taittiriya brahmaNam passage contained in nakshatra suktha, "ye agnidagDha, ye anagnidgDha"
4. You took a stand that brahmaNam is a later day compilation and does not share the same dating of samhitha and you needed a samhitha quotation.
5. Although I do not agree with brahmanam being of a later day compilation to samhita (in respect of krishna yajurveda only - taittiriya is one shaka of krsna yajurveda), I do not want to contest your position because it is immaterial to the issue.
6. I quoted three passages of Rg Veda, which is a samhita.
7. Your claim of taittiriya brahamana being of a later period becomes immaterial (in this specific case) as the original mantra quoted by me also finds a mention in the Rg veda samhita mantra posted by me and verified and re-produced by you.
8. You want to exclude Atharva veda from quotation, for which I have no qualms because it is immaterial to me.
9. In the last two messages you have been asking for cremation hymns from any of the trayee vedas.
10. This would take time and also quotations from aslvalayana grihya sutras (for rig veda) shatapatha brahmana (for vajasayeni samhita of Sukla yajurveda) and taittiriya aranyaka (for taittiriya brahmanam) would have to be brought. After all the hard work having been done, if you chose to say grihya sutra or brahmana or aranyaka is not acceptable, it would be a sheer waste of time and energy.

To cut the Gordian knot, this is my suggestion:

(a) RV Hymn 15 is addressed to Pitrs (mentioned as Fathers in Internet Sacred Text Archive Home.

(b) As per your message # 75, Rg verse 10.15.11 and 10.15.14, it is an invitation to pitrs to participate in the sacrifice accompanied by agni.

(c) The pitrs are qualified or categorised as "agnidagDha and an-agnidabDha" (i.e. those cremated and those not cremated - meaning buried etc.).

(d) We are concerned only about the cremated ones, i.e. agnidagDhaas) to establish that there were cremations.

(e) To that end, I append herebelow five links (all independent of each other) to establish that agnidagDhaas mean cremated pitrs in vedic language:

(i) The ancient history of India, Vedic ... - K. C. Singhal, Roshan Gupta - Google Books (page 152, 3rd and 4th line)

(ii) Monier-Williams Sanskrit-English Dictionary -- a (Monier-Williams Sanskrit English Dictionary) - please make alphabetical search - it is very clearly stated that this is the meaning of the word in RV 10.15.14.

(iii) RV_10 - Himatsubushi Wikipedia - Second para begining (search by RV verse 10.15)

(iv) Sanskrit Dictionary for Spoken Sanskrit dictionary entry - alphabetical search

(v) Sanskrit Dictionary for Spoken Sanskrit dictionary entry - second and sixth entry

AgnidagDha pitrs would not have been called so, unless they were cremated. Hence cremation was common is my position.

Finally, you may take a look at vajasayeni samhita XXXV, mantra 22. I think it contains a direct quote to cremation. I do not have the book with me now and am unable to check. Also I am wary of sending quotations after quotations and being at the same place of discussion without any progress.

Regards
 
You have elaborately discussed the whole issue with sufficient evidences. When I
checked up with a person who has a fair amount of knowledge on this topic, instantly,
was not able to explain in detail but for directions on Antyesti, Pitr-yajna, post-mortem
rights of Sradda and tarpana which form the basis of Hindu Ancestor Worship and
in general about psychological benefits of carrying out one's own karma. Perhaps
after reference to the book, he may revert with some answers to your queries.

Balasubramanian
Ambattur
 
"agnidagdha" also means
  • those who did not have fire put into their mouth because they were destitute of issue.
  • those pitrus who maintained the oupaasana fire while on earth.
anagnidagdha will mean the opposites.

Just to add to the confusion:)

source: Monier Williams' Dictionary.

I have read also that agnidagdhaaH anagnidagdhaaH yE pitaraH means the second classification given above.
 
We appear to be moving in circles, so let me go back to the drawing board.

This is the summary of our exchanges so far (please correct if factually incorrect)

1. You stated that cremation is a development later than vedic age.
2. I contested that statement and claimed that even during vedic period cremation and burial were co-existing.
3. In support of my claim, I quoted taittiriya brahmaNam passage contained in nakshatra suktha, "ye agnidagDha, ye anagnidgDha"
4. You took a stand that brahmaNam is a later day compilation and does not share the same dating of samhitha and you needed a samhitha quotation.
5. Although I do not agree with brahmanam being of a later day compilation to samhita (in respect of krishna yajurveda only - taittiriya is one shaka of krsna yajurveda), I do not want to contest your position because it is immaterial to the issue.
?? Wondering how it is immaterial. Either you have evidence or you don't.

In this case, do you have evidence to prove brahmanas (texts) of any veda existed in the samhita period itself?

The taittiriya brahmana of krishna yajurved has detailed ritual stuff, like how many times certain riks must be repeated, filling up of oblation spoons, and even where washings of oblations jars should be thrown.

The kaukila sutramani in it, mentions procedure of preparing liquor from fermenting paddy and barley (so similar to present day Beer), except that mantras were said even while pouring out the liquid into vessels.

The odana sava portion of taittiriya brahmana mentions the necessity of wearing gold in the ears.

The section on coronation ceremony has ratharohana mantra with mantras to be recited when the ratha/chariot is brought to the sacrifical fire with specific mantras addressed to the charioteer (sarathi). There are mantras chanted even when the priest shaves off the king's hair and applies some unguent on the king's head (a class of priests quite like barbers perhaps) .

Then you have chapters in the taittiriya brahmana like sacrifice of animals (white goat to vayu, castrated goat to prajapati, traita to soma/pushan, black-necked sheep to agni, white sheep to brihaspati, cattle with dropping horns to indra, barren cow to vishnu and varuna, black cow to pushan, red cow to rudra, etc, etc). All with the offerings of ghee, rice-cakes, etc. Sorry to say, but so much for sattva guna of folks like sravna, really...

Obviously the taittiriya brahmana was composed in a period when vessels, pots, gold, metal, etc were already invented/discovered and in use.

There are quite a few books / commentaries that the taittiriya brahmana was composed after the taittiriya samhita period. But ofcourse you are free to hold on to your pet beleifs.

6. I quoted three passages of Rg Veda, which is a samhita.
?? Which 3 passages of Rig samhita?? I suppose you mean the book link you provided containing 3 verses from rigveda - Encyclopaedia of the Hindu world - Gaṅg Rm Garg - Google Books

Already clarified one verse of that link in post 55. In that link the author has given his own english interpretation without quoting the actual verses in sanskrit. The remaining two verses quoted by him have no connection with cremation at all. He gives translation for the remaining 2 verses as
a) 'various parts of dead body were directed to go to appropriate places" (rig 10.16.3) and
b) "there was feasting and resumption of dancing and laughter" (rig 10.18.3)
He gives these translations without showing how and why the verses are linked to cremation of an actual dead body. Even the mythical virat purusha in purushasukta was cut up (does it mean an actual body was cut up or that an actual human body was cremated).

7. Your claim of taittiriya brahamana being of a later period becomes immaterial (in this specific case) as the original mantra quoted by me also finds a mention in the Rg veda samhita mantra posted by me and verified and re-produced by you.
Does the rik (original samhita mantra) refer to a cremation at all? The brahmanas merely borrowed mantras from the samhitas, and in this case looks like they started using it for cremation. Borrow a poem/composition, and use it for some other application.

8. You want to exclude Atharva veda from quotation, for which I have no qualms because it is immaterial to me.
9. In the last two messages you have been asking for cremation hymns from any of the trayee vedas.
10. This would take time and also quotations from aslvalayana grihya sutras (for rig veda) shatapatha brahmana (for vajasayeni samhita of Sukla yajurveda) and taittiriya aranyaka (for taittiriya brahmanam) would have to be brought. After all the hard work having been done, if you chose to say grihya sutra or brahmana or aranyaka is not acceptable, it would be a sheer waste of time and energy.
All these are available in books, some even online. Does not take so much energy really. Ofcouse grihyasutras and brahmanas are later-day compositions. They did not exist in the vedic (samhita) period.

To cut the Gordian knot, this is my suggestion:

(a) RV Hymn 15 is addressed to Pitrs (mentioned as Fathers in Internet Sacred Text Archive Home.

(b) As per your message # 75, Rg verse 10.15.11 and 10.15.14, it is an invitation to pitrs to participate in the sacrifice accompanied by agni.

(c) The pitrs are qualified or categorised as "agnidagDha and an-agnidabDha" (i.e. those cremated and those not cremated - meaning buried etc.).

(d) We are concerned only about the cremated ones, i.e. agnidagDhaas) to establish that there were cremations.

(e) To that end, I append herebelow five links (all independent of each other) to establish that agnidagDhaas mean cremated pitrs in vedic language:

(i) The ancient history of India, Vedic ... - K. C. Singhal, Roshan Gupta - Google Books (page 152, 3rd and 4th line)

(ii) Monier-Williams Sanskrit-English Dictionary -- a (Monier-Williams Sanskrit English Dictionary) - please make alphabetical search - it is very clearly stated that this is the meaning of the word in RV 10.15.14.

(iii) RV_10 - Himatsubushi Wikipedia - Second para begining (search by RV verse 10.15)

(iv) Sanskrit Dictionary for Spoken Sanskrit dictionary entry - alphabetical search

(v) Sanskrit Dictionary for Spoken Sanskrit dictionary entry - second and sixth entry

AgnidagDha pitrs would not have been called so, unless they were cremated. Hence cremation was common is my position.
Ofcourse agnidagdha has multiple meanings, and also means pitrs. If it means pitrs does it mean the body was cremated?? As explained here it can merely mean an offering of something intoxicating going to the world of pitrs.

Finally, you may take a look at vajasayeni samhita XXXV, mantra 22. I think it contains a direct quote to cremation. I do not have the book with me now and am unable to check. Also I am wary of sending quotations after quotations and being at the same place of discussion without any progress.

Regards
Vajasayeni samhita is here TITUS Texts: White Yajur-Veda: Vajasaneyi-Samhita (Madhyandina): Frame --- its not clear which verse you meant. If inclined, do post the relevent mantra here.

Zebra, i have no probs if cremation, burial, throwing dead bodies in flowing water, leaving them on open ground / open graves, or whatever else existed.

Perhaps these issues are of deep concern to priestly classes wrt ritualism and the need to follow them....i can't be bothered about this particular issue except for curiosity value. This topic does not interest me really. I leave it to you if you want to continue or not.

Regards.
 
?? Wondering how it is immaterial. Either you have evidence or you don't.

Time to expose the lies of the internet scholars. The quoted message assumes smugness and almost accusing the other party that he does not have evidence and such smugness has to be demolished.

Before asking the question "Do you have evidence or not" two other questions have to be addressed. Is there an evidence or not? and whether evidence is needed or not.

Anyone who has some understanding of sanskrit, had he/she glanced through the printed text either purchased or borrowed from a library, would have known even after glancing a few pages, that indeed in taittiriya samhita brahmanam portions are found and in taittiriya brahmanam, samhita or mantra portions are interspread. In such cases evidence or proof is not needed. After all we do not need the use of mirror to look at our fingers on hand.

As regards whether evidence is there, let me quote what Michael Witzel, Wales Professor of Sanskrit, Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, Harvard University:

"Though the prose portions of the Taittiriya Samhita serve as its primary brahmana, there also exists a Taittiriya brahmana with additional commentary and mantras".


In this case, do you have evidence to prove brahmanas (texts) of any veda existed in the samhita period itself?

This is a red-herring. Why should go about providing evidence for any brahmana existing in samhita period itself? I had restricted my comment to taittiriya shaka of krishna yajurveda.

But here also uncomfortably for internet scholars, evidence exists. Quoted below are five passages from the same source of Michael Witzel:

"(1) The Yajur Veda is a complex entity, consisting of several partly parallel texts, most of which mix mantras (i.e. veda-text-type) with prose commentary (brahmana-text-type).

(2) It is the black (krsna) YV that contains the mixture of text types.

(3) All these texts must have been preceded by an even earlier stage of brahmana style discussion, see Hoffmann 1969, apparently that of the lost Caraka school, cf Witzel, 1982

(4) At some period following the RV, a number of mantras from the RV and others from an unknown, separate priestly tradition were joined to form the corpus of Adhvaryus, the main “acting” priests. Apparently, the Rgvedic hymns had such a high prestige already that they were necessarily incorporated into the YV texts, to enhance the status of the Adhvarya ritual. In a way the Adhvaryus formed their own small samhitas.

(5) While the stage was set at that time and the YV mantras as well as the lost brahmanas composed, the ritual developed for a long time afterwards all through the YV Samhita and the Brahmana periods. "

The taittiriya brahmana of krishna yajurved has detailed .... ...gold, metal, etc were already invented/discovered and in use.

All useless stuff, not even remotely connected with the discussion on hand.

There are quite a few books / commentaries that the taittiriya brahmana was composed after the taittiriya samhita period. But ofcourse you are free to hold on to your pet beleifs.

Either you did not read the "few books/commentaries" properly or they were authored by internet scholars.

I think it would be a challenge for you to give the name of the book and author, because as on today there is no complete book of taittiriya brahmanam with commentary, in any language, except in sanskrit.

?? Which 3 passages of Rig samhita?? I suppose you mean the book link you provided containing 3 verses from rigveda - Encyclopaedia of the Hindu world - Gaṅg Rm Garg - Google Books

Just concentrate on only one mantra "ye agnidagDha, ye an-agni dagDha


Does the rik (original samhita mantra) refer to a cremation at all? The brahmanas merely borrowed mantras from the samhitas, and in this case looks like they started using it for cremation. Borrow a poem/composition, and use it for some other application.

It was increasingly becoming obvious that you will ultimately lay the blame on the brahmanas for your lack of understanding. Do not despair. Here is yet another quotation from the ubiquitous Michael Witzel in plain english that cremation was order of the day during rg vedic period.

Quote: "The RV funeral hymns clearly describe cremation, though in other parts of the RV burial seems to be indicated (cf. Keith, ERE X!, 842). Sati seems not to have been practiced; in fact there is evidence for levirate marriage; see Schmidt 1987"


All these are available in books, some even online. Does not take so much energy really.

Yes, it would not take any time or energy at all. Just copy and paste with the motto of "garbage in, garbage out"

Ofcouse grihyasutras and brahmanas are later-day compositions. They did not exist in the vedic (samhita) period.

This lie (brahmanas being invariably of a later period to samhitas) has already been nailed in the preceding reply.


Ofcourse agnidagdha has multiple meanings, and also means pitrs. If it means pitrs does it mean the body was cremated?? As explained here it can merely mean an offering of something intoxicating going to the world of pitrs.

But Monier Williams in sanskrit-english dictionary has specifically mentioned the meaning of "agnidagDha" in RV 10.15.14 to mean "cremated pitrs". If your sanskrit is as good, if not better, you would be reading the sanskrit texts in original and not relying on translated cut and paste internet english passages of original sanskrit texts.


Zebra, i have no probs if cremation, burial, throwing dead bodies in flowing water, leaving them on open ground / open graves, or whatever else existed.

Perhaps these issues are of deep concern to priestly classes wrt ritualism and the need to follow them....i can't be bothered about this particular issue except for curiosity value. This topic does not interest me really. I leave it to you if you want to continue or not.

Regards.

I realised it after two posts or so, that in fact you were on the look-out for readers who were subscribing to your pet theory of cremation being of later period origin and that cremation was a consequence of sadhus digging out the corpses and that Sushruta probably developed medicine by adopting this method.
 
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Time to expose the lies of the internet scholars. The quoted message assumes smugness and almost accusing the other party that he does not have evidence and such smugness has to be demolished.
My note to you was not personally insulting so this is not appreciated. If i follow your route, then i would say, brahmin smugness and accusing the other party of not having evidence has to be demolished. Perhaps KRS sir has set off the trend of indirectly calling names by alluding to smugness and arrogance in this post, but Zebra has made it open and direct. Between the two i wud appreciate Zebra more, for atleast he has been direct. In KRS's post, i was left wondering where / in which direction, does he see the smugness and arrogance.

Zebra, already told you i have no probs with whatever system existed. The last thing i want to ever bother, is about what is done after someone is already dead. Hope you get the point. Am glad to see the evidence you produce in this post and do appreciate it much. Wish you had mentioned it earlier itself.

Before asking the question "Do you have evidence or not" two other questions have to be addressed. Is there an evidence or not? and whether evidence is needed or not.

Anyone who has some understanding of sanskrit, had he/she glanced through the printed text either purchased or borrowed from a library, would have known even after glancing a few pages, that indeed in taittiriya samhita brahmanam portions are found and in taittiriya brahmanam, samhita or mantra portions are interspread. In such cases evidence or proof is not needed. After all we do not need the use of mirror to look at our fingers on hand.

As regards whether evidence is there, let me quote what Michael Witzel, Wales Professor of Sanskrit, Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, Harvard University:

"Though the prose portions of the Taittiriya Samhita serve as its primary brahmana, there also exists a Taittiriya brahmana with additional commentary and mantras".


This is a red-herring. Why should go about providing evidence for any brahmana existing in samhita period itself? I had restricted my comment to taittiriya shaka of krishna yajurveda.

But here also uncomfortably for internet scholars, evidence exists. Quoted below are five passages from the same source of Michael Witzel:

"(1) The Yajur Veda is a complex entity, consisting of several partly parallel texts, most of which mix mantras (i.e. veda-text-type) with prose commentary (brahmana-text-type).

(2) It is the black (krsna) YV that contains the mixture of text types.

(3) All these texts must have been preceded by an even earlier stage of brahmana style discussion, see Hoffmann 1969, apparently that of the lost Caraka school, cf Witzel, 1982

(4) At some period following the RV, a number of mantras from the RV and others from an unknown, separate priestly tradition were joined to form the corpus of Adhvaryus, the main “acting” priests. Apparently, the Rgvedic hymns had such a high prestige already that they were necessarily incorporated into the YV texts, to enhance the status of the Adhvarya ritual. In a way the Adhvaryus formed their own small samhitas.

(5) While the stage was set at that time and the YV mantras as well as the lost brahmanas composed, the ritual developed for a long time afterwards all through the YV Samhita and the Brahmana periods. "



All useless stuff, not even remotely connected with the discussion on hand.



Either you did not read the "few books/commentaries" properly or they were authored by internet scholars.

I think it would be a challenge for you to give the name of the book and author, because as on today there is no complete book of taittiriya brahmanam with commentary, in any language, except in sanskrit.


[...]
Yes, it would not take any time or energy at all. Just copy and paste with the motto of "garbage in, garbage out"

[...]
This lie (brahmanas being invariably of a later period to samhitas) has already been nailed in the preceding reply.
The notes of this section only (until i address zebra below) are meant for those who cannot differentiate between samhitas and brahmanas and wish to know more.

Folks,

The oldest portions of the vedas are samhitas. They are hyms following a metrical scale, on various things, ranging from nature to the mundane. This vedic period is lost in history to us.

Texts pertaining to elaborate ritualism (yagnas) were composed later, and such texts were called 'brahmanas' (like aitareya brahmana, shatapatha brahmana, etc).

The Samhitas were used as the primary source of hyms in the period when the Brahamas (texts) were created or composed. That is, the Samhitas were used for the purpose of ritualism as 'Brahmanas'.

Brahmanas (texts) have additional mantras not found in Samhitas. Such additional mantras were composed to aid performance of yagnas. Or to demarcate a ritual life for a brahmana - meaning, brahmanas are texts of Dos and Donts in ritualism (example - Taittariya Brahmana says achamana should not be done with water from a cleft of the earth, etc).

The Brahmanas (texts) are considered to be commentories on hymns from the Samhitas. Because they are ritual texts going into minute details, and specify which mantra (or hymn) must be repeated how many times using what, doing what, etc.

The period of composition of the Brahmanas (texts) also marks the period of creation of elaborate yagnas. Texts like Taittariya Brahmana specify which verses should be told by a rathakara while kindling fires, what a brahmana must say, and who should do what. That is, it assigns and specifies ritualism for specific castes and varnas.

Such ritual texts of Brahmanas did not exist in the Vedic (Samhita) period.

After this (composition period of Brahamanas) came the period of composition of Aranyakas and after that came the period when Upanishads were composed.

There is also the line of thot, that the failure of Brahmanas (texts) indirectly lent support to non-vedic thot, and hence Buddhism and Jainism, both centered around Ahimsa, spread rapidly.

Interested readers can go thru thru the book "History of Dharmashastras" by P.V.Kane. In that book, Kane has given info about the Taittariya Brahmana (TB) and Taittariya Samhita (TS). The TB has content indicating later development, which the TS does not have.

The Taittariya Brahmana speaks of kurupanchalas, and is infact the text which clearly mentions brahmana are divine varna whereas shudras are asurya varna :)

Then again, Taittariya Brahmana mentions 'brahma' and 'kshatra' collectively for brahmans and kshatriyas. It says vaishyas are born from rik, yajurveda is origin for kshatriyas, and samaveda is source for brahmanas. It also asks the 'Vis' to go away and reside seperately from brahmans-kshatriyas :) It says the brahmana is the supervisor over all people (no better really, than the aitareya brahmana which says the might of the ksatriya is under the control of the brahmana).

Well, you see folks, the Taittariya Brahmana (TB) has content which the older composition, Taittariya Samhita does not have. (btw the TB has purushamedha, asvamedha and such stuff).

But there are also similarities between TB and TS. In both these texts, the shudra occupies the same position as the dharmashastras (smrithis). Funnily the TB mentions the Dasa and the Kaivratha in lowly terms (the Kaivrata asked to change their caste name to Mahishya in the colonial period - Sigh! )

Just concentrate on only one mantra "ye agnidagDha, ye an-agni dagDha


It was increasingly becoming obvious that you will ultimately lay the blame on the brahmanas for your lack of understanding. Do not despair. Here is yet another quotation from the ubiquitous Michael Witzel in plain english that cremation was order of the day during rg vedic period.

Quote: "The RV funeral hymns clearly describe cremation, though in other parts of the RV burial seems to be indicated (cf. Keith, ERE X!, 842). Sati seems not to have been practiced; in fact there is evidence for levirate marriage; see Schmidt 1987"
Zebra,

Out of all the adhoc comments you make, the only one point worth this discussion is this particular point in bold. I shall definitely look up Keith. Lokks like both existed side by side. However, please do not put words into Witzel's mouth as though he meant cremation was the "order of the day"

In fact after making the post to you yesterday i came across a publication "Annals of the Bhandarkar oriental research institute", vol 83. The book says it was a Dasa custom to erect mounds, or build a mound on the site where the bones are buried after cremation. Bhandarkar also says a variety of funeral practices were followed by the Souma Aryans in the Swat Valley (Pakistan) and excavations there also confirmed it. There were various ways of disposing the dead, of which cremation was one. Unfortunately we have no such confirmation in India as yet, of early cremation practices.

But Monier Williams in sanskrit-english dictionary has specifically mentioned the meaning of "agnidagDha" in RV 10.15.14 to mean "cremated pitrs". If your sanskrit is as good, if not better, you would be reading the sanskrit texts in original and not relying on translated cut and paste internet english passages of original sanskrit texts.
I should suggest the same to you infact. Instead of quoting Keith and Witzel, please produce the actual hyms in sanskrit from various samhitas, instead of going on repeating agnidagdha, or holding on to one single verse from rigveda. Anyways, i shall definitely look up Keith and Witzel's sources.

As of now, it seems the Rig verses of cremation were practiced by a set of people in the Swat, and it got copied into the Taittariya Brahmana of Krsna Yajur. It would be interesting to note when? (was it during the period when the yajurvedis rose in power and the rigvedis kinda cudn't match up?? am reminded of Staal's commentary on the rise of the Yajurvedis...)

I realised it after two posts or so, that in fact you were on the look-out for readers who were subscribing to your pet theory of cremation being of later period origin and that cremation was a consequence of sadhus digging out the corpses and that Sushruta probably developed medicine by adopting this method.
Pet theory? LOL. Please read the first and the last sentence of that post : http://www.tamilbrahmins.com/philos...brahamin-religious-practice-5.html#post112605
 
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Smt. HH,

Is not Taittireeya Brahmanam a part of the samhita-brahmana combined? Is it possible to separate the two and assign a definitely later date to the Brahmana portion based on internal and/or external evidences?
 
கல்லறைகள் சொத்துசேர்க்க உதவுகின்றன. வழக்கம் என்னவென்றால் முதலில் இடம் prayeruக்கு. பின் பாடசாலைக்கு பின்னர் சர்ச்சுக்கு. இப்படியே விரிவு படுத்துவோம். ஹிந்துக்கள் ஒரே இடத்தில்தான் எல்லோரையும் எரிக்கிறார்கள். சமத்துவம். இவர்கள் கல்லறைகள் பணத்துக்கு தகுந்தமாதிரி மாறுபடும். மிகப்பழய தமிழ் பண்பாடு புதைப்பதுதான் என்று நினைக்கிறேன். சுகாதார முறைப்படி எரிப்பதுதான் சரி என்று தோன்றுகிறது. ஐயோ, அது ஹிந்துக்கள் வழியாயிற்றே.
 
Is not Taittireeya Brahmanam a part of the samhita-brahmana combined? Is it possible to separate the two and assign a definitely later date to the Brahmana portion based on internal and/or external evidences?
Dear Sir, Am surprised you ask this. Is it ever possible that commentories on hymns from the Samhitas (as Brahmanas texts) were written first, and only after that the hymns themselves (as Samhitas) were composed?

Unfortunately there are no english translations of Taittariya Brahmana. Whatever i understood from my own reading i have mentioned in post # 60. Whatever Kane has written about Taittariya Samhita and Taittariya Brahmana, i have explained in post # 62 above.

Maybe we can take the views of Banerjee (as he writes in this book) also into account. He says as we pass from Samhitas to Brahmanas, there is a distinct change in the spirit of worship. It was in the Brahmanas, that priests claimed to be Seers, although they made no new mantras (except ofcourse, as we know, those which aided sacrifices, in a language different from the Vedic Sanskrit of the Samhitas).

In Brahmanas, the priests created rituals by admixing magic (abhichara), speculation, etc - concepts by which the priestly class exercised control. (this mental control has gone so deep into the cultural psyche that even today folks perform homams / rituals to ward off troubles or 'spirits'. Sir you are pretty well aware that even women were given away as fees/dakshina after a sacrifice, obviously we do not see such things in the Samhitas - maybe the idea of Sacrifices went very deep into the minds of people in the period of brahmanas, as those were days when not everyone knew of medical cures, etc).

Banerjee says it required expert knowledge to perform sacrifices and therefore it was in the period of the Brahmanas, that priesthood became heredity to some extent. He also says the old idea of working on the goodwill of Gods (or praising gods as is seen in Samhita hymns) disappeared, and this was replaced by the idea that sacrifices had some magic power and mastery, even over the gods (ie., outcomes now depended on priests who controlled phenomenon, which is 'gods' or 'spirits', thru sacrifices or homams).

This is quite different from the religion of the Rigveda samhita wherein great powerful Gods (some described as Asuras or powerful ones) were worshipped with propiations of offerings, as gifts and supplications, with the objective to plead thru veneration, without anyone controlling them (dasa culture, explained more in this post). (am wondering if these 'asuras' were conquered, insubordinated or driven away as the 'vis', during the period of the brahmanas - anyways, lets leave that aside).

Banerjee reasons that Purvamimansa was the logical outcome of Brahmanas (ritual texts), in which the idea of god was disposed of, and this was replaced by the idea that the brahman sacrificer priest was more important than god (meaning to say the brahman priest controlled outcomes, like a god, thru sacrifices).

The book describes that rituals (in the period of brahmanas ritual texts) became more important than the 'religion' (of worshipping gods); and priests as described above, became more important than gods (i wonder if gods=asuras?). This brahmanic theology (of brahmanas ritual texts) fastened itself on a material foundation, of an all absorbing cult of conducting sacrifices, in which various divine personalities were absorbed and subordinated (ie, insubordianted) into it. Maybe it was in this absorption scenario, that the vedic Rudra got associated with Shiva (and later absorbed the linga worship motif into it).

I think this absorption scenario continued for a long time, we have various gods of various temples/tribes who till date get described as forms of the now neo-vedic pantheon of Shiva, Vishnu, Parvati, etc. The book says there came to be a stress on personal predeliction for deities like Shiva, Skanda, Ganapati, etc, but this form of prayer was actually given definite shape by Shankara, and yet remained (or remains) secondary to Sandhya and Gayatri.

The book is a very intersting read. It says sheer rituals could not satisfy people. So a reaction set in (we also have the case of Jainism or Buddhism gaining rise), so brahman priests broached this problem by widening the 'Vedic' pantheon with Prajapati as the head, but that too did not satisfy, so Aranyakas were composed to give philosophical interpretations to sacrifices and incorporate new concepts/ideas.

From Brahmanas (ritual texts) to Aranyakas, the ideology or values got transferred from actual sacrifice to its symbolic meaning, and from the period of Aranyakas meditations were capable of yeilding eartly benefits. That is, from here onwards, in certain sections of people, ritualism gave way to the idea of philosophical speculations about truth, universe, etc. After this stage, Upanishads were composed. Even upanishads were created to aid sacrifices, like in Brihadaranyaka Upanishad the ashvamedha horse is to be conceived as the universe and meditated upon as such with head as dawn, eye as sun, mouth as vaivasnara, etc...

So we have a continuation from the period of Brahmanas, to the period of Aranyakas, and then the period of Upanishads. In this scenario, the period of Samhitas do not really fit. I feel what Witzel, Keith, Banerjee, Bhandarkar, Kane, are all saying tally with one another. The period of Samhitas is different / ancient, while the period of Brahmanas borrowed hymns from the Samhitas and turned out markedly different in the way the nature of worship came to exist.

Regards.
 
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Smt. HH,

This is with reference to your post#65 here.


My doubt was not whether the taittireeya samhita portions post-date the brahmana portions, but, have we got any definite evidence to show that the three kANDas forming the brAhmaNa portion were not composed more or less coevally with the samhita portion which makes up the first seven kANDas? I posed this query because you have deep, extensive and intricate knowledge in these matters. People like me somehow carry the impression, probably erroneous, that unlike vAjasanEyi and shatapatha, the taittiriya sAkha is a special one and, as perhaps implied in the legend of the tittiri, etc., this shakha itself was possibly made up from some more ancient form in one stroke because the hymns as well as their usages, mythologies, etc., had been well-known at that time. The fact that the samhita and the brAhmaNa form continuous kANDas of the same text seems to lend credence to this belief. (Unlike Shukla YV, the Taittireeya samhita kANDas themselves include the Brahmana prose discussions mixed within the Samhita.)

Hope now my doubt is clear enough. Much of what you have written, though informative, does not answer the above, imho.
 
Smt. HH,

This is with reference to your post#65 here.


My doubt was not whether the taittireeya samhita portions post-date the brahmana portions, but, have we got any definite evidence to show that the three kANDas forming the brAhmaNa portion were not composed more or less coevally with the samhita portion which makes up the first seven kANDas? I posed this query because you have deep, extensive and intricate knowledge in these matters. People like me somehow carry the impression, probably erroneous, that unlike vAjasanEyi and shatapatha, the taittiriya sAkha is a special one and, as perhaps implied in the legend of the tittiri, etc., this shakha itself was possibly made up from some more ancient form in one stroke because the hymns as well as their usages, mythologies, etc., had been well-known at that time. The fact that the samhita and the brAhmaNa form continuous kANDas of the same text seems to lend credence to this belief. (Unlike Shukla YV, the Taittireeya samhita kANDas themselves include the Brahmana prose discussions mixed within the Samhita.)

Hope now my doubt is clear enough. Much of what you have written, though informative, does not answer the above, imho.
Dear Sir,

Am quite aware of the special significance the Taittiriya in respect to the legend of Tittiri birds eating the vomited Yajus, and everything being composed in one stroke. But will this legend suffice for us to consider that both, Taittiriya Samhita and Taittiriya Brahmana, were composed coevally around the same time?

Am not sure but perhaps we need to take into consideration what Staal and Kosambi say (although am aware both these authors are not held in good regard by certain brahmanists).

According to Staal, vedic schools were called after totemic birds (totemic identification), like Kaushika after the Owl and Taittariya after tittiri, the partridge. Kosambi also expresses this view and said the tittri totemic bird signified a clan (although this view was criticised by Brough).

In this if we take Staal and Kosambi's view, it wud mean, there was a clan which composed the Taittiriya. However, can we say with surety that this clan composed Samhita plus the Taittiriya Brahmana, at the same time? Would the tittri legend perhaps indicate something else? A struggle scnario?

In the legend of Yagnavalkya vomitting out Yajus and the tittri birds eating up the vomit, there is an additional legend of Charakadhvaryus, ie., the advaryus who were called so for performing expiation for killing a brahmana. Would this not indicate some struggle scenario in the composition period?

Then again, Yagnavalkya was asked to vomit out all his learning by his teacher, because his teacher felt Yagnavalkya had insulted brahmans. So we have Yagnavalkya praising the Sun, and the Sun assuming the form of a horse and granting a boon to Yagnavalkya by imparting to him Yajur texts (called ayatayama) which his teacher did not have. Those who studied these ayatayama texts became Vajins.

If everything was composed in one stroke, why do have an internal struggle period? Why do we have Taittiriya Brahmana mentioning things such as Kurupanchalas, which the Taittiriya Samhita does not?

Personally, i feel, there is no concrete proof to prove things either way. However, i feel it is better to take the view of various authors also into account.

In the previous post#65 here, i mentioned Banerjee, because i felt his views in differentiating the religion of Samhitas as against the religion of Brahmanas (ritual texts) may help. This applies to all brahmanas (ritual texts), unless otherwise specified.

So far i find no special consideration for the Taittiriya compositions alone, or evidence for the claim that both its Samhitas and Brahmanas were composed more or less around the same time. However, sir, am a novice new to this field. Am only mentioning things as i come across.

Certainly you wud know of things which i have not yet come across. I would be glad if you cud share your views in a more elaborate way, describing any specific reasons why you feel the taittiriya texts were composed around the same time coevally.

Regards.
 
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Smt. HH,

I am not much of an authority on such intricate matters, but you have much more knowledge. My only point is that when the Taittireeya Samhita portion itself contains prose portions which are nothing but the usual brahmana commentaries and 'instruction manuals' for the mantra portions, is it not clear enough that the samhita and the brahmana were ready, for reasons as yet not clearly known today. Hence I feel it is safe to assume that in Taittireeya the samhita and brahmana were both ready by the time it was formulated and taught.

Regarding the 'charakaadhvaryus' and the hostility between the vAjins or vAjasanEyins and the charakas, etc., I feel, that enmity is not relevant to the matter before us, viz., were the Taittireeya samhita and brAhmaNa as we know them today belong to the same period? If anything, the legend of tittiri only goes to confirm my view because yAjnavalkya is said to have disgorged all the yajus he had learnt from vaiSampAyana, which means not only the yajur mantras intended for the adhvaryu but also how and where those were to be used.

You have asked, "If everything was composed in one stroke, why do have an internal struggle period? Why do we have Taittiriya Brahmana mentioning things such as Kurupanchalas, which the Taittiriya Samhita does not? "
There was no struggle between the black and white yajurvedis, it was open hostility which possibly decreased and eventually disappeared when the vedic sacrifices finally went out of vogue. And such hostility does not necessarily mean they were at war with each other, imo. Possibly, the whole bifurcation happened after the vedic priests had moved east to Kurupanchala; Saunaka and Taittireeya are held to have been located in Panchala, after all.

I am yet to locate Dr. Kane's observations regarding the Taittireeya samhita and brahmana; if you can give the vol. and page reference it will be of great help. But overall, I am not convinced of your statement, "Such ritual texts of Brahmanas did not exist in the Vedic (Samhita) period.", because all these got transmitted by oral instructions from guru to Sishyas only for long time. The brahmana instructions must have been known to the relevant class of priests (rig- hotr; yajur-adhvaryu; saman-udgatr) in some form and in the absence of such knowledge the sacrifice would have been very difficult to perform.
 
Smt. HH,

I am not much of an authority on such intricate matters, but you have much more knowledge. My only point is that when the Taittireeya Samhita portion itself contains prose portions which are nothing but the usual brahmana commentaries and 'instruction manuals' for the mantra portions, is it not clear enough that the samhita and the brahmana were ready, for reasons as yet not clearly known today. Hence I feel it is safe to assume that in Taittireeya the samhita and brahmana were both ready by the time it was formulated and taught.

Regarding the 'charakaadhvaryus' and the hostility between the vAjins or vAjasanEyins and the charakas, etc., I feel, that enmity is not relevant to the matter before us, viz., were the Taittireeya samhita and brAhmaNa as we know them today belong to the same period? If anything, the legend of tittiri only goes to confirm my view because yAjnavalkya is said to have disgorged all the yajus he had learnt from vaiSampAyana, which means not only the yajur mantras intended for the adhvaryu but also how and where those were to be used.

[..]
But overall, I am not convinced of your statement, "Such ritual texts of Brahmanas did not exist in the Vedic (Samhita) period.", because all these got transmitted by oral instructions from guru to Sishyas only for long time. The brahmana instructions must have been known to the relevant class of priests (rig- hotr; yajur-adhvaryu; saman-udgatr) in some form and in the absence of such knowledge the sacrifice would have been very difficult to perform.

Dear Sir,

Am not sure if we can come to broad-based conclusions based on the tittri legend alone. Mentioned the views of various authors (as best as i cud) because they researched deep into the texts…maybe they have points and reasons due to which they concluded some things (which we are missing).

Also, is it not possible that the tittri legend refers to the period when the pre-existing samhita hymns got used by the Taittariya brahmana texts to decide how and where verses from the Samhita portions of Taittriya, Rig, and Atharva, were to be used in rituals (rather than the idea that the Taittiriya samhita itself was composed during this period)?

Also, if we go by the tittri legend, we may have to believe so, but is it possible that Yagnavalkya, a single man was responsible for entire composition of the Krishna Yajur? Then again, we have a case where the Vajins became part of Shukla Yajur.

Why would Yagnavalkya offend his teacher by insulting brahmans, have an episode linked to charakadhvaryus, end up vomiting the yajus thereby aiding the creation the Tittri or Krishna Yajur (is it possible to vomit out learnings (??)), and then walk away and create the ayatayama texts and Vajins in the Shukla Yajur…

To add to the confusion, we have the Taittriyopanishad as part of Taittariyaranyaka as chapters within the Taittiriya Brahmana text. Is it possible to say the Taittaryopanishad or Taittariyaranyaka got created during the period when the Taittariya Brahmana was composed, coevally with Taittriya Samhita around the same time?

Also, if Taittariya Samhita got composed around the same time as Taittriya brahmana, it would mean that the Taittariya samhita is a comparatively new text, as compared to other samhitas of other Vedas. We know that Rig is the oldest. And that the Taittariya Samhita as well as Taittariya Brahmana borrowed from the Rig. So maybe this is true.

This view gets credence from some authors. Yves Bonnefoy (Asian Mythologies, p.31) while talking about various meters brings out a few differences in the Taittariya Samhita as compared to other texts. Example –the Jagati meter and the Trishtubh meter vary between Aitareya Brahmana and the Taittariya Samhita. MP Pandit (Mystic approach to the Veda & the Upanishad, p.6) says Yajur Samhita consists of prayers mostly taken from Rik Samhita. In the Taittariya text, the Brahmana is included in the body of the Samhita while in the Shukla Yajur includes an Upanishad instead.

I think the best explanation so far comes from a translation of the Taittiriya Samhita (by Keith) available in this link - http://ia700300.us.archive.org/20/items/vedablackyajuss02keitgoog/vedablackyajuss02keitgoog.pdf - please read pages 86 and 87 from this link.

The link says the Sutras do not recognize any distinction between the Aranyakas, and Brahmanas or the Samhitas as regards their Brahmana portion, but page 87 has given an explanation regarding the period and reasons -- why the Samhitas were fixed to the exclusion of Brahmanas and Aranyakas. Keith says there was an existing text proclaimed by Ukha who learned from Tittri whose teacher being Yaska Paingi who learned from Vaicampayana, but Keith says the point of differentiation between the Samhita and Brahmanas comes possibly from the Pada text, and that it is more likely the Samhita was put together by some teacher of authority, possibly Tittri himself.

So sir, this possibly means there was a pre-existing text which was put together (compiled) during the time when the Taittiriya Brahmana was composed. And this possibly led to the belief that both, the Taittiriya Brahmana as well as the Taittiriya Samhita, were composed at the same time. The link is a fascinating read, I read until page 90, will read more later.

Will address the rest of your post next.

PS - Sir you are well aware am new to this field and not at all knowledgable. It would be very nice if we can help each other learn.
 
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You have asked, "If everything was composed in one stroke, why do have an internal struggle period? Why do we have Taittiriya Brahmana mentioning things such as Kurupanchalas, which the Taittiriya Samhita does not? "
There was no struggle between the black and white yajurvedis, it was open hostility which possibly decreased and eventually disappeared when the vedic sacrifices finally went out of vogue. And such hostility does not necessarily mean they were at war with each other, imo. Possibly, the whole bifurcation happened after the vedic priests had moved east to Kurupanchala; Saunaka and Taittireeya are held to have been located in Panchala, after all.
Dear Sir, i would agree that open hostility need not mean war, but it could mean some internal tribal stife (intra-tribal disagreements leading to splits). The bifurcation issue seems a rather fascinating one. Will read up the translation of Taittiriya Samhita by Keith soon, as he seems to be having a lot of material..

I am yet to locate Dr. Kane's observations regarding the Taittireeya samhita and brahmana; if you can give the vol. and page reference it will be of great help.
Whatever I mentioned on the Taittiriya samhita and Taittiriya brahmana, is from the below book of Dr.Kane:

History of the Dharmasastra (Ancient and Medieval Religious and Civil Law), Volume II, Part 1, by Pandurang Vaman Kane, Government Oriental Series, Class B, Number 6, Prepared under the supervision of The Publication Department of The Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona, 1941.

Am doing a copy-paste from the relevant pages for an idea that the content that is either similar or varies in both the texts of Taittiya Brahmana (Tai.Br) and Taittiriya Samhita (Tai.S). There is plenty, but am only doing a copy-paste of selected portions from the book.

Page 13 mentions [for portion in Tai.Br not found in Tai.S] :
The Tai.Br. speaks of the vedi of the gods as being in Kuru-ksetra. Even in the Rgveda itself the country through which the rivers Drsadvati, ApayA and Sarasvati flowed is spoken of as the best spot (vide III.23.4). The Tai.Br. says that the Kurupancalas go east in the winter and westwards in the last month of summer.

Page 25 [for portion in Tai.Br not found in Tai.S]:
The Tai.Br.I- 2.6 (with reference to the Mahavrata in which there was a mock fight between a brahmana and a sudra) says ‘that the brahmana, is the divine varna, and sudra is the asurya varna’
[..]
If we can interpret the Rgveda verse by the help of the Tai. Br. then in Rg. IX.71.2, the words asurya varnam mean ‘sudra tribe’ There is no doubt that the word asura when applied to gods like Varuna has another meaning also in the Rg….


Page 30 [for portion in Tai.Br not found in Tai.S] :
In some Vedic works brahma and ksatra stand collectively for brahmanas and ksatriyas (e.g. Tai.Br.II.7.18, Br.Up.I.4.11, Kathopanisad..).

Page 33 [for portion in Tai.Br similar to that found in Tai.S] :
We find in the Tai.S., the Tai.Br. and other Brahmana works that the sudra occupies the same position that he does in the smrtis. Therefore it is reasonable to infer that the dasas or dasyus conquered by the Aryas were gradually transformed into the sudras. From being enemies they were brought into friendly relations and given a very subordinate position.

Page 41-42 [for portion in Tai.Br not found in Tai.S] :
The Tai.Br. says 'the vaiSya class is said to have been born from rk verses, they declare the Yajurveda as the origin of the ksatriya, the Samaveda is indeed the source of brahmanas’. The same Brahmana further says 'the vis go away from (reside separately from) the brahmanas and ksatriyas'. The Tandya Br. says 'Hence the vaisya, though being eaten (i.e. subsisted upon) by others is not exhausted, since he was created from the prajanana (from the sexual parts of Prajapati) ; therefore he has numerous cattle, he has all the gods (as his patrons) and was produced with the Jagati metre, his season is the rains, therefore he is to be eaten by the brahmana and the rajanya, since he was created as lower (than those two classes)'. The Sat. Br. (S.B.E. vol. 26 p. 335) says 'He thus assigns to the Maruts a share therein after Indra, whereby he makes the people (vis) subservient and obedient to the nobility’. According to the Ait.Br.35.3 the vaisya is one who is the food of others, who pays taxes to others. These passages show that vaidyas were entitled to sacrifice, reared cattle, were far more numerous than the other two classes, they had to bear the brunt of taxation, they lived apart from brahmanas and ksatriyas and were obedient to them.

Page 43 [for portions in Tai.Br similar to those found in Tai.S]:
In the Tai.Br.(III.4.1 and the following anuvakas that deal with Purusamedha) we have ayogu, magadha (bard), suta, sailusa (actor), rebha, bblmala, rathakara, taksan, kaulala, karraara, manikara, vapa (sower or barber), isukara, dhanvakara, jyakara (maker of bow-string), rajjusarga, mrgayu, svani surakara (vintner), ayastapa (heater of iron or copper), kitava ( gambler ), bidalakara (worker in wicker-work), kantakakara…
[..]
The Tai.Br.III.8.5. mentions also rajaputra ugra…
[...]
The Tai.S, I.8.9.1-2 mentions among the 'ratnas' (the jewels ) the suta, gramanl, ksatr, samgrahitr, bhagadugha (collector of taxes ), aksavapa ( superintendent of gambling ). Vide also Tai.Br.I.7.3.


Page 44 [for portion in Tai.Br not found in Tai.S] :
The paulkasa and candala occur in Tai.Br. (Ill-4. 4 and III 4.17 (respectively). In the Chandogya Up. (V.10.7 ) the candala is ranked with the dog and the boar.

Page 45 [for portion in Tai.Br not found in Tai.S] :
The Tai.Br.I.1.4 after stating that the brahmana should consecrate sacred fires in the spring, the ksatriya in summer, the vaisya in autumn, ordains that the rathakara should consecrate sacred fires in the rainy season. The question arises whether the rathakara is a member of the three higher castes who has taken in economic distress to the profession of making chariots or is a person belonging to a caste other than the three higher varnas. Jaimini in his Purvamlmansa-sutra (VI.1.44-50 ) discusses this question and establishes that the rathakara is a member of a caste other than the three higher varnas, that he has on account of the express words in the sruti the privilege to consecrate sacred fires with vedic mantras, that the mantra for the consecration of rathakaras is ‘rbhunam tva ' (Tai. Br.1.1.4) and that the rathakaras are the caste called Saudhanvana which is neither sudra nor one of the three higher ones, but is slightly inferior to the three higher varnas.

Page 84 [for portion in Tai.Br not found in Tai.S] :
Dhlvara. Same as kaivarta and dasa, Gaut. (IV.17) indicates that this is a pratiloma caste sprung from a vaisya male and a ksatriya female (according to the view of some teachers). In the Tai.Br.III.4.12 Dhaivara, Dasa and Kaivarta are separately mentioned, but how they were distinguished it is difficult to say. All caught fish in different ways. Dhimar is a scheduled caste in the Bhandara District of C. P.

Page 98 [for portion in Tai.Br not found in Tai.S] :
Suvarnakara or Sauvarnika or Hemakara (goldsmith). A hiranyakara is mentioned in the Vaj.S.XXX. 7 and in Tai.Br.III.4.14.

Pages 134 and 135 [for portion in Tair.Br not found in Tai.S]:
It has been seen above how even during the Vedic period brahmanas had come to be highly eulogised as if they were gods and held superior merely on account of birth. The Tai.Br, III. 7- 3 says 'One should sacrifice in the right hand of a brahmana ; the brahmana indeed is Agni-vaiSvanara'. Vide Santiparva 13-14, 'Manu IV.117, Likhita 31, Vas.Dh.8.30.2-5. The same ideas of the sacredness and the superiority of brahmanas were carried forward and further emphasized by the dharma-sastra works. Most exaggerated and hyperbolical descriptions of the greatness of brahmanas are sown broadcast over all the smritis and the puranas. It is not possible to set out even a small fraction of them. But a few passages may usefully be cited here by way of samples….

Page 139 [for portion in Tair.Br not found in Tai.S] :
The brahmana was to expound the duties of all other classes, to indicate to them proper conduct and their means of livelihood and they were to abide by his directions and the king was to rule in accordance with such directions (Vas.Dh.S.I. 39-41, Manu VII. 37, X. 2). This is supported by the words of the Kathakasamhita 310 (IX. 16) and the Tai. Br. that the brahmana is indeed the supervisor over the people. The Ait. Br. (37. 5) declares that where the might of ksatriyas is under the control (or direction) of brahmanas that kingdom becomes prosperous, that kingdom is full of heroes…

Pages 165-166 [for portion mentioned in Tai.Br but not in Tai.S]:
In the early Vedic literature several of the names of castes that are spoken of in the smrtis as antyajas occur. We have carmamna (a tanner of hides ?) in the Rgveda (VIII. 5. 38), the Candala and Paulkasa occur in the Vaj. S., the Vapa or Vapta (barber) even in the Rg., the Vidalakara or Bidalakara (corresponding to the buruda of the smritis) occurs in the Vaj. S. and the Tai. Br., Vasahpalpuli (washerwoman) corresponding to the Rajaka of the smrtis in the Vaj. S. But there is no indication in these passages whether these, even if they formed castes, were at all untouchables. The utmost that can be said is that as the Paulkasa is assigned to blbhatsa (in Vaj. S. 30. 17) and Candala to Vayu (in the Purusamedha), the Paulkasa lived in such a way as to cause disgust and the Candala lived in the wind (i. e. probably in the open or in a cemetery ). The only passage of Vedic literature on which reliance can be placed for some definite statement about candalas is in the Chandogya Up.V. 10.7 where while describing the fate of those souls that went to the world of the moon for enjoying the rewards of some of their actions it is stated 'those who did praiseworthy actions here, quickly acquire birth in a good condition, viz. in the condition of a brahmana, a ksatriya or vaisya, while those whose actions were low (reprehensible) quickly acquire birth in a low condition i.e. as a dog, or a boar or a candala'. This occurs in Pancagnividya, the purpose of which is to teach vairagya and disgust with the transmigratory world. This passage does not enjoin anything, it is a bare statement by way of explanation or elucidation. All that can be legitimately inferred from this is that the first three varnas were commended and that candalas were looked upon as the lowest in the social scale. It is to be noticed that the Sudra varna does not occur in this passage at all. So probably even in the times of the Chandogya the candala was looked upon as a sudra, though lowest among the several Sudra subcastes. The candala is equated with the dog and the boar in this passage, but this leads hardly anywhere. It is no doubt stated in the Sat.Br.XII.4.1.4 that 'three beasts are unclean in relation to a sacrifice viz. the vicious (filthy) boar, the ram and the dog.' Here it is clear that every boar is not unclean, but probably only that variety that subsists on the village offal. On the other hand the flesh of boars was said to cause great delight to the Pitrs when offered in Sraddha (vide Manu III. 270 and Yaj. I. 259 ). Therefore this Upanisad passage does not say anything on the point whether the Candala was in its day untouchable.

Page 222 [for portion in Tai.Br not found in Tai.S]:
The porcupine quill with three white spots is mentioned even in the Tai. Br. as an auspicious thing. 'He should shave his head with a porcupine quill with three white spots since in the case of the gods three are auspicious things, viz. the three metres, the three savanas, these three worlds' ( I. 5. 6. )..

Page 227 [for similarities in Tai.S, Tai.Br and Rg.Samhita verses]:
[..]...'Hiranyavarnah' (Tai. S. V. 6.) and the chapter beginning 'pavamanah' (Tai. Br.I.4.8); he doss worship (with sandal paste, flowers etc. ) by each of Visnu's twelve names, then he offers oblations of clarified butter with the mantras ‘ato deva' (Rg, I. 22.16-21), 'Visnor-nu karn' (Rg. I 154. 1-7= Tai S.I. 2.13), 'tad-asya priyam’ (Tai.Br.II.4.6 = Rg.I.154.5),'pratadvisnuh ' (Tai.Br.II.4.3 = Rg.I.154.2), ‘paro matraya' (Tai.Br.II.8.3), 'vicakrame trir-devah' (Tai. Br.II.8.3).

Page 233 [for portion in Tai.Br not found in Tai.S and for the Baudhayana Grihyasutra similarity with Tai.Br]:
The Baud. gr. (II.1 7 ) prescribes the giving of curds, honey and ghrfca ten times with each of the ten mantras (Tai.Br.II.5.1) of the anuvaka beginning with 'prano raksati visvam-ejat.'

Page 242 [for matronymics portion in Tai.Br not found in Tai.S]:
…Prahlada Kayadhava (son of Kayadhu, Tai.Br.I,5.10)…

Page 271 [for portion in Tai.Br not found in Tai.S]:
In the Tai.Br.III.10.11 there is the story of Bharadvaja who remained a brahmacarl for three parts of his life (i.e. till 75) and to whom Indra said that in all that long period of brahmacarya he had mastered only an insignificant portion (three handfuls out of three mountains) of the Vedas, which were endless in extent…

Page 287 [for similarities between Tai.Br and Tai.S and additional portion in Tai.Br not found in Tai.S]:
A few words must be said on the history of yajnopavlta from ancient times. Among the earliest references is one from the Tai.S.II.5.11.1 the nivlta is (used in actions) for men, the praclnavlta (is used in rites) for pitrs, the upavlta (in rites) for gods ; he wears it in the upavlta mode (i.e. slung from the left shoulder), thereby he makes a distinguishing sign of the gods'. In the Tai. Br. (I. 6. 8.) we read wearing in the praclnavlta form he offers towards the south ; for in the case of pitrs, acts are performed towards the south. Disregarding that one should wear in the upavlta form and offer in the north only, since both gods and pitrs are worshipped (in this rite)..

Page 296 [for creation of the yajnopavita ritual in the Tai.Br, with verses borrowed from the Samhitas of Taittiriya, Rig, Atharva, with a definite shape given to it in the Baudhaya grihyasutra – a ritual not found or elaborated upon in the Tai.S as in the Tai.Br]:
…sprinkled with water to the accompaniment of the three mantras 'apo hi stha' (Rig. X.9.1-3), with the four verses ‘Hiranyavarnah ' (Tai.S.V.6.1 and Atharva I.33.1-4 ) and with the anuvaka beginning with ‘pavanianah suvarjanal’ (Tai.Br.1.4.8) and with the Gayatrl, then the yarn is to be taken in the left hand and there is to be a clapping of the two hands thrice, the yarn is to be twisted with the three verses 'bhuragnira ca' ( Tai.Br.III.10.2) and then the knot is to be tied with the formula 'Bhurbhuvah evascandramasam ca' (Tai.Br.Ill, 10.2) and the nine deities 'omkara, Agni (quoted above in note 685)' have to be invoked on the nine strands, then the upavlta is to be taken with the mantra ‘devasya tva ' and then it is to be shown to the sun with the verse 'ud vayam tamasaspari' ( Rg.I.50.10 ) and then the yajnopavlta is to be put on with the verse 'yajnopavltam &c.' Then there is to be a japa of the gayatrl verse and then acamana. For a brief statement of the mode of putting on a fresh sacred thread vide note below. The Baudhayana-grhyasesasutra (II.8.1-12 ) gives a few insignificant points of difference as to the upanayana of ksatriyas, vaisyas, ambastha and karana (son of a vaisya from a sudra female).
 
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Dear Sangom Sir,

Ref to post # 71 above.

Whereever the content is similar in Tai.S and Tai.Br, Kane has stated so by giving relevant references. But there are portions where the content varies, so whenever a point is mentioned in Tai.S and other texts (but not in Tai.Br) and vice-versa, he mentions references as such. Therefore have demarcated the portions to show which parts are similar or dissimilar between the two texts of Tai.Br and Tai.S.

Regards.
 
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Dear Sir, i would agree that open hostility need not mean war, but it could mean some internal tribal stife (intra-tribal disagreements leading to splits). The bifurcation issue seems a rather fascinating one. Will read up the translation of Taittiriya Samhita by Keith soon, as he seems to be having a lot of material..

Smt. HH,

Since the "split" is held to be related to 'caraNa', 'carakAdhvaryu', etc., I have a feeling that the 'roaming' priests or adhvaryus became the bone of contention. It is possible that adhvaryus from the sindhu banks would be coming down to kuru and pAncAla and since the northerners were held in high esteem for their correct language and speech, they would be given enough opportunities to officiate as adhvaryus in the sacrificial rites in the east. There, of course, is another version of how the bitterness between guru and sishya developed. (see the post# 2 here. Sage Yajnavalkya - Hindu Dharma Forums)

Whatever the origins, the fact which is apparent now is that the shukla yvs who called themselves 'adhvaryus' denoted the other yvs as tittireeyas or carakAdhvaryus who were much criticised in vajasaneyi and shatapatha.

But all this does not directly lead one to tribes, tribal conflicts, intra-tribal disagreements etc., because we just don't know if the tribal grouping functioned any more under the cAturvarNya society to which these adhvaryus must necessarily have belonged.

Whatever I mentioned on the Taittiriya samhita and Taittiriya brahmana, is from the below book of Dr.Kane:

History of the Dharmasastra (Ancient and Medieval Religious and Civil Law), Volume II, Part 1, by Pandurang Vaman Kane, Government Oriental Series, Class B, Number 6, Prepared under the supervision of The Publication Department of The Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona, 1941.

Am doing a copy-paste from the relevant pages for an idea that the content that is either similar or varies in both the texts of Taittiya Brahmana (Tai.Br) and Taittiriya Samhita (Tai.S). There is plenty, but am only doing a copy-paste of selected portions from the book.

HH, I find that Dr. Kane has not discussed the issue of T.Br. and T. S. and their periods of composition. Whatever you have furnished is from comments on topics like AryAvarta, making yajnOpaveetam, etc. Kane has also not explicitly said that certain things have not been mentioned inT.S. but are found only in T. Br. Obviously, we will not find many things in T.S. because it is mostly concerned with the hymns for the adhvaryu. Hence questions like rivers, kingdoms and so on, will figure only in the Brahmana portion. I therefore think you are citing Dr. Kane out of context, to buttress your pov, but that in my view, does not bestow credit to your scholarship, imho.
 
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Smt. HH,

Since the "split" is held to be related to 'caraNa', 'carakAAdhvaryu', etc., I have a feeling that the 'roaming' priests or adhvaryus became the bone of contention. It is possible that adhvaryus from the sindhu banks would be coming down to kuru and pAncAla and since the northerners were held in high esteem for their correct language and speech, they would be given enough opportunities to officiate as adhvaryus in the sacrificial rites in the east. There, of course, is another version of how the bitterness between guru and sishya developed. (see the post# 2 here. Sage Yajnavalkya - Hindu Dharma Forums)

Whatever the origins, the fact which is apparent now is that the shukla yvs who called themselves 'adhvaryus' denoted the other yvs as tittireeyas or carakAdhvaryus who were much criticised in vajasaneyi and shatapatha.

But all this does not directly lead one to tribes, tribal conflicts, intra-tribal disagreements etc., because we just don't know if the tribal grouping functioned any more under the cAturvarNya society to which these adhvaryus must necessarily have belonged.
Dear Sir, could you please clarify why this does not lead to tribal conflicts? Are we to consider that people were already urban by that time? Would it not be a period of tribalism or a civilisation in the stage of arising out of tribal state?

HH, I find that Dr. Kane has not discussed the issue of T.Br. and T. S. and their periods of composition. Whatever you have furnished is from comments on topics like AryAvarta, making yajnOpaveetam, etc. Kane has also not explicitly said that certain things have not been mentioned inT.S. but are found only in T. Br. Obviously, we will not find many things in T.S. because it is mostly concerned with the hymns for the adhvaryu. Hence questions like rivers, kingdoms and so on, will figure only in the Brahmana portion. I therefore think you are citing Dr. Kane out of context, to buttress your pov, but that in my view, does not bestow credit to your scholarship, imho.
Sir, ofcourse i too wanted to show that there is content in T.S which is not there in T.B and vice-versa. The intention was to show that both these texts vary in content. Why do you feel i was quoting out of context?

Kane has not written anything about their periods of composition, nor have i mentioned Kane in such context (wrt "periods of composition). The intention was only to show that the content between T.S and T.B varies, as mentioned earlier.

As for whether the texts were composed at the same time or not coevally i feel the paper by Keith answers the query the best (so far) - if you know of other things that contradict his explanations, please do put forth. I would be glad to know/learn.

Addition - Sir, i feel buttressing arguments can be done either way (by you also, let alone me). Also sir, lets not talk about bestowing any 'scholarship' to anyone please (if you would kindly, please let us talk about the points alone, not about each other as the person, buttressing arguments, or scholarship, or such trivia of no value to this discussion).

Regards.
 
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"The word ' brahma ' generally means in the Rgveda ' prayer ' or"* hymn ". Vide 62 Rg IV. 6.11, VI. 52.2, X. 105.8, X. 141.5 ('Oh Agni, make our prayer and sacrifice prosper by your flames'). Rg. III. 53.12 is 'this brahma ( prayer or spiritual power ) of Visvamitra protects the Bharata people'. In the Atharvaveda II. 15.4 (as brahma and ksatra entertain no fear, nor are they harmed ) brahma seems to mean ' the class of brahmanas '. The transition of meaning from 'brahma' (prayer) to 'brahma' meaning the class of those who composed or recited prayers is natural and easy. In the Rgveda I. 157.2 both brahma and ksatra occur 63 in the same verse where they probably mean ' prayer ' and ' valour ' respectively. In the Atharvaveda III. 19. 1 both words occur and probably mean the same thing as in Rg. I. 157.2. In some Vedic works brahma and ksatra stand collectively for brahmanas 64 and ksatriyas (e. g. Tai. Br. II. 7.18, Br. Up. I. 4.11, Kathopanisad I.2.24)."

Out of the above portion from Dr. Kane's book, you have deemed it fit to quote the last sentence and since Dr. Kane has not said that brahma and kshatra stand collectively for brahmanas and kshatriyas, you conclude that such a meaning is not to be found in TS. I will hesitate to venture into a conclusion like that unless I am 100% sure that it is so, or some other authority, like Dr. Kane, has expressly said so.

In this case therefore, first of all, there is no ground to warrant the conclusion "for portion in Tai.Br not found in Tai.S". Secondly, even granting that such a conclusion is valid, what relevance has it got in arriving at a decision on whether T.S. and T. Br. were composed in the same period?

In footnote 64 on the same page 30, Dr. Kane has given —
ब्रह्मवै ब्राह्मणः क्षत्रं राजन्यः । तै. ब्रा. III. 9.14. (brahmavai brāhmaṇaḥ kṣatraṃ rājanyaḥ | tai. brā. III. 9.14).
So, in the same T.Br. the contrary position exists and suppose I say, therefore, T.S. and T. Br. talk the language of the same period, how far will it be correct from a scholastic pov? That is why I had to remark that lifting remarks in this matter - without much care - and trying to prove or buttress a point is not creditable.

Will all this mean that at a later period, brahmanas and kshatriyas used to be bracketed together either as brahma or kshatra? If so, do we have any authoritative statement to this effect?

I have taken only one instance out of the several you have furnished. But, for the reasons given above I will not be convinced that such instances prove that T. Br. and T.S. belong to different periods, though I am prepared to change my views in the light of convincing evidence.
 
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